THE Condition of the infant states of the American continent has been hitherto so much disturbed by revolutionary movements, that the full influence of the change in their relations with Europe seems rather to be anticipated than felt. The arbitrary government of Spain has been succeeded, by that of the sword. One violent revolution has been followed, by another equally violent. Military chieftains called to preside over the political desti. nies of their respective states, have only afforded temptation, and the opportunity, by their absence from the army, to their rivals to force them from their places; and the chief station in the state is scarcely attained, when its occupant is dis. placed by some new Imperator. We hear indeed of conventions assembling for the formation of con. stitutions; but their provisions are scarcely promulgated, ere a new arrival informs us of their over

throw, and the establishment of some novel political code. These indications of confusion, together with the accounts from all these infant states, of disregard of law, forcible depositions, executions, ba. nishments, and ruined public credit, lead us to the conclusion that their revolution is still progressing, and that many years must elapse before their governments can assume a settled form. Let it not, how. ever, be imagined, that the long and bloody contest which they have sustained with Spain has been in vain. If we regard only the transitory governments, that have been substituted for the colonial viceroyalties, and captain generalships; or even inquire into the state social and political of the people in general, but little may seem to have been gained. No precise ideas are as yet entertained of the nature of civil or religious freedom. The crowd are as yet frantic with

But viewing the present as the parent of the future, we perceive in the overthrow of the old system, and in the convulsion of the moral and political elements which produced that result, a preparatory process certainly calculated to lead to the most beneficent changes in their condition.

The principles of government may still be arbitrary, but they are carried into effect by their own Countrymen. The will of the community is more felt in the policy of the government.

The fiery trials of the revolution have compelled them to think. They have been taught by bitter experience, the salutary lesson, that civil government is a matter in which they have an interest. And this important truth, co-operating with the actual evils under which they are labouring, has awakened them from their slumber of sloth and slavery; and they give, by these very revolutions and commotions, demonstrative proofs of their augmented capacity for self. government.

The abolition of slavery through. out these new republics; the eman. cipation of the aboriginal race; the establishment of schools in various provinces, and of printing presses and newspapers in the seaports and capitals; the access obtained partial, as it may be considered, for the holy scriptures to catholic commu. nities; the influence of commerce, and of an unrestrained intercourse with the Anglo-Saxon race, whether of New or Old England; and above all, the stimulating example of the United States, always before their eyes-these are auguries full of promise as to the coming age. When we look back to the time when the Inquisition extended its sway over the Spanish colonies, and exercised its infernal powers at Lima, as well as at Madrid; when we see those who governed its councils aiming with dubious prospects of success, to re-establish it in the enlightened atmosphere of christianized and civilized Eu. rope we can scarcely believe that the period has arrived, when at Bogota, a bible society is institu. ted in the principal Dominican convent, with the open approbation of its spiritual head; or that at Lima, the Dominican college is appropria, ted to a central school, in which the New Testament is used as a school book.

These are striking proofs of the conquest already achieved over the prejudices of the people; and

though there is abundant cause to regret, that the Spanish republics did not move in the march of revo. lution with the same governed and well regulated movement that cha. racterized our own revolution, no unfavourable conclusions ought to be drawn from this circumstance, as to their capacity for self-govern ment. The organization of a free government over a people long ac. customed to arbitrary sway, is al. ways attended with difficulties and domestic commotions. The farther removed the principles and institutions, to which they have been subjected are from the sys. tems which they aim to establish, the greater are the obstacles interposed to the accomplishment of their wishes. It is comparatively easy for men suffering under ob. vious and manifest oppression, to rouse themselves to active resist. ance against their oppressors. The passions are prompt advisers, and nothing but undistinguishing force stimulated by fury, is required to overturn a government. establish free institutions; to pro. vide political checks and balances; to guard against the abuses of that power, which must be somewhere vested to preserve the community from confusion and anarchy-these require sagacity, experience, disin. terestedness, forbearance, and all those qualities, which are rarely to be found in the leaders of a revolution. The more intolerant and

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cruel the tyranny which has pro. voked the rebellion, the less probability is there of finding this rare combination of qualities in its promoters. The most abject slaves are always the least fitted for free. dom; and the same rule is as ap plicable to nations as to indivi duals.

We are disposed to give full weight to these considerations, when speculating upon the ability of the South American states to sustain their free institutions; and not to draw unfavourable conclusions because their revolutions did not as our own did, at once subside, after the expulsion of their inva. ders, into a settled and well regu. lated government. However mark. ed and striking may be the contrast between the termination of our revolution and theirs, it cannot be more so, than were the situation, the character, and the motives, of the respective parties to those contests. While the inhabitants of the Spanish colonies were suffering under the complicated despotism devised by the united wisdom of the inquisition, the court at Madrid, and the councils of the Indies; our ancestors were in the enjoyment of a representative government, religious toleration, and of a high gree of civil freedom. Our in. stitutions were founded upon the broadest principles of democracy: and a strong predilection for poli. tical equality, and a stern spirit of

independence, were so strongly prevalent among the Anglo-American colonists, that an acute ob. server of society must have foreseen, what actually happened, that an encroachment upon their rights would be resisted upon principle to the death. Usurpation would be met in limine, and "the approach of tyranny scented in the tainted breeze."

The revolution which separated us from England, was rather a successful resistance of the first at. tempt to enslave us, than an eman cipation from slavery. The spirit of the colonists had not been broken, nor their character degraded by ages of debasing servitude; but, as vigorous and uncompromising as when their fathers first founded political institutions for the preservation of civil and religious free. dom on this continent, it readily responded to the call to arms, upon the first encroachment upon their rights.

The views and interests of the colonists were in unison. They were not divided into different castes, with various privileges. They had no landed nobility, nor monkish or ders, with immense possessions. All these motives to civil dissentions were removed. There were indeed party divisions, and in some instances, these disputes, as in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, struck at the very existence of social order; but the numbers of the dis.

affected were comparatively small : though it is impossible to imagine in what these movements would have resulted, had it not been for the prudence of Washington, and the unlimited confidence,-a confidence honourably acquired, and never abused, reposed by his countrymen in his virtue and character.

No fair comparison, therefore, can be drawn between the revolutions in Spanish America and our own. The disadvantages, under which they labour, are incomparably greater. Besides, there are inherent defects in the structure of society in those states, to which most of the internal commotions may be attributed. The want of education in the mass of the com munity, of course, is one great cause of the irregular movements of the machinery of their governments: and among the better educated, the Catholic clergy, with rich endowments; the mining proprietors, with extensive landed possessions, and accompanied with a species of feudal privileges; and the great number of native Spaniards, connected with the mother country, by ties of blood and interest, constitute a majority all hostile, although from various motives, to the establishment of liberal institutions, and immediately interested in perpetuating many of the abuses which led to the revolution. In a more enlightened community, these subjects of dispute would have