almost alone, like Callimachus at Marathon, invested with enemies and covered with arrows, defended himself beyond all the powers of guiltiness, even with the defences of truth and the bravery of innocence, and answered the petitions in writing, sometimes twenty in a day, with so much clearness, evidence of truth, reality of fact, and testimony of law, that his very enemies were ashamed and convinced. They were therefore forced to leave their muster-rolls, and decline the particulars, and fall to their év perya, to accuse him for going about to subvert the fundamental laws; the way by which great Strafford and Canterbury fell; which was a device, when all reasons failed, to oppress the enemy by the bold affirmation of a conclusion they could not prove." shop Bramhall Ussher, A letter written at this time, April the 26th, Letter from Bi1641, by the bishop to the Lord Primate, contains to Primate much of the charge against him, and of the defence April 26, 1641. which he pleaded: and an extract from it may be here fitly inserted from BISHOP VESEY'S Life. "It would have been a great comfort and contentment to me, to have received a few lines of counsel or comfort in this my great affliction, which has befallen me for my zeal to the service of his majesty, and the good of this Church; in being a poor instrument to restore the usurped advowsons and appropriations to the crown, and to increase the revenue of the Church, in a fair just way, always with the consent of the parties, which did ever use to take away errors. His zeal for the king and the Church. him refuted. "But now it is said to be obtained by threatening and Charge against force. What force did I ever use to any? What one man ever suffered for not consenting? My force was only force of reason and law. The scale must needs yield when weight is put into it. And your grace knows to what pass many bishopricks were brought, some to 1007. per annum ; some 501., as Waterford, Kilfenoragh, and some others; some to five marks, as Cloyne and Kilmacduagh: How in some dioceses, as in Ferns and Leighlin, there was scarce a living left that was not farmed out to the patron, or to some for his use, at 21., 3., 4., or 5l, per annum, for a long His vindication of his conduct. The Primate's assurance of his sympathy and exertions. His mediation with the king. time, three lives, or a hundred years: How the chantries of Ardee, Dondalk, &c., were employed to maintain priests and friars, which are now the chief maintenance of the incumbents. "In all this, my part was only labour and expense: but I find that losses make a deeper impression than benefits. I cannot stop men's mouths; but I challenge all the world for one farthing I ever got, either by references or church preferments. I fly to your grace as an anchor at this time, when my friends cannot help me. God knows how I have exulted at night, that day I had gained any considerable revenue to the Church, little dreaming that in future times that act should be questioned as treasonable. I never took the oath of judge or counsellor; yet do I not know, wherein I ever in all these passages deviated from the rule of justice. My trust is in God, that, as my intentions were sincere, so He will deliver me. Since I was a bishop, I never displaced any man in my diocese, but Mr. Noble for his professed Popery, Mr. Hugh for confessed simony, and Mr. Dunkine, an illiterate curate, for refusing to pray for his majesty. 66 'Almighty God bless your grace, even as the Church stands in need of you at this time; which is the hearty and faithful prayer "Of your grace's obedient servant and suffragan, "Jo: DERENSIS. April 26, 1641." The Primate in his answer gave the bishop, among other things, an assurance of his own sympathy and exertions in his behalf; of the good will of the king; and of the interest taken in his welfare by the excellent nobleman, who had recently fallen a sacrifice to the malevolence of their enemies. "I assure you my care never slackened in soliciting your cause at court, with as great vigilancy as if it did touch my own proper person. I never intermitted an occasion of mediating with his majesty in your behalf, who still pitied your case, acknowledged the faithfulness of your services both to the Church and to him, avowed that you were no more guilty of treason than himself, and assured me that he would do for you all that lay in his power. My Lord Strafford, the night before his suffering, (which was most Christian and magnanimous, ad stuporem usque,) sent me to the king, giving me in charge, among other particulars, to put him in mind of you, and of the other two lords that are under the same pressure." In the end, the king, being anxious that the bishop's death should not be added to that of the noble earl, who had made his safety one of the objects of his dying request to his majesty, sent over to Ireland a letter, to provide for the bishop's deliverance. But the word of a king was scarcely powerful enough to procure obedience. However, at length, the bishop was restored to liberty, though without any publick acquittal, the charge still lying dormant against him, to be awakened when his enemies should please. "But, alas!" says Bishop Bramhall's biographer, "these were flashes that caused more fear than hurt: the fiery matter at last burst into such thunder-claps, that the foundation of the whole kingdom reeled." It will be our business to advert immediately to the tempest, the fury of which is thus emphatically anticipated by the biographer of the Bishop of Derry. But a contemplation of the virtues and charities of domestick life, blended with qualities of a more commanding kind, and shedding a gleam over the darkness of publick or private calamity, is soothing Letter from the to the mind of the observer: and the reader will pardon me for pausing to lay before him the lowing letter to Mrs. Bramhall, written by the Bishop of Derry in his confinement, the 12th of March, 1640. fol Bishop of Derry to Mrs. Bramhall, March 12, 1640. "My dearest joy, "Thou mayest see by my delay in writing that I am not willing to write while things are in these conditions. But shall we receive good at the hands of God, and shall we not receive ill? He gives and takes away, blessed be his holy name! I have been near a fortnight at the black rod, charged with a treason. Never any man was more innocent of that foul crime: the ground is only my reservedness. God in his mercy, I do not doubt, will send us many merry and happy days together after this, when this storm. is blown over. But this is a time of humiliation for the present. By all the love between us, I require thee that thou do not cast down thyself, but bear it with a cheerful mind, and trust in God that He will deliver us'." Rebellion of 1641. Previous general tranquillity. SECTION IX. Rebellion of 1641. Previous circumstances. Its objects. THE thunder-storm, to which the biographer of At the period preceding the year 1641, there appears to have been a general tranquillity throughout the kingdom, unless where it was molested by the Scotch innovators, and a general good agreement between the Irish and English inhabitants. The two nations had lived together for many successive years in security and comfort, and with a Rawdon Papers, p. 75. mutual interchange of friendly offices. Their intermarriages were frequent, their manners had acquired a great degree of similarity, and there was much probability in the prospect of a long endurance of peace and good-will. the Popish reli gion. In particular, the Papists were enjoying the free Free exercise of exercise of their religion. By the excessive indulgence of the late governments, their titular archbishops, bishops, vicars-general, provincial consistories, deans, abbots, priors, and nuns, all lived unrestrainedly, if somewhat covertly, amongst them; and exercised over them an uncontrolled and voluntary jurisdiction. Their priests, jesuits, and friars, had of late years exceedingly multiplied; and returned in vast numbers from Italy, Spain, and other foreign countries, whither the children of the native Irish, who were devoted to the sacred profession, were usually sent for education. These, without interruption, had quietly settled themselves in the chief towns and villages, as well as in the houses of the noblemen and private gentlemen throughout the kingdom: so that, notwithstanding any penalties which they might have suffered from a strict enforcement of the laws, they were allowed in fact the private, but undisturbed, exercise of all their religious rites and ceremonies. It was under such circumstances as these, that Plot for Rebel for several years a deep plot was laid for a general Rebellion, and massacre of the English and Protestant inhabitants, by Popish priests and jesuits of the Continent, in conjunction with those of Ireland. For carrying it into execution, they were accustomed in their publick devotions to recommend the good success of a great design, calculated to promote the prosperity of the kingdom and the advancement of lion and massacre. |