most constantly employed in high offices, Legislative, Executive, Judicial, and Military-in State and Nation. One at least of the elder generation who had been honored with the confidence and friendship of WASHINGTON :-Others who had been his companions in arms :—And among the younger generation were the sons of those who had fought the earliest battles for their country's freedom-of the heroes of Bunker Hill and Lexington, who had made good their claim to hereditary patriotism by their own public services.

Some of these worthy persons had long since withdrawn from the bustle and turmoil of the political arena, and become passive though anxious spectators of the signs of the times. They had now been brought together from distant locations, without means or opportunity of previous intercommunication, and in the greater number of instances without the slightest personal acquaintance, and of course without any common sympathy but what arose from a reciprocal persuasion that each was influenced by the same love of country and the same honorable views. Of this merit I pretend not to claim any share. I am sensible that among such men I was not "meet to be called an Apostle”— But having nothing to retract, no favors to ask, no propitiatory incense to offer upon new altars, I hope there will be seen neither vanity nor condescension, in my declaring that I am unconscious of any conduct that would justify the singling me out as a political desperado who offered to the Convention projects by which they were revolted. I challenge the production or quotation of any speech or writing for which I am accountable, without garbling or interpolation, conspicuous for unseemly violence, intolerance, or even disrespect for my political adversaries; much less pointing to a disunion of the States, which I should dread as a national and perpetual earthquake. In the ardor of debate I have repelled personalities by giving "measure for measure:”—But if I am inimical to republican principles and equal rights, I must have basely degenerated from my parent stock-And though I claim no merit from "genus et proavos;" yet that I should go into the Convention to instigate others to pull down that "Temple," which for at least "forty and six" years my ancestors with their countrymen had been engaged in building from the first trench and corner stone, and

in which I had always professed to worship, would seem to be an unnatural act at least, of which all just men will one day require better proof than has been or can be furnished by the unjust. To return however to my colleagues. I may add with truth that they were persons in circumstances of ease-Some of them in affluence-And all surrounded by those endearing domestic relations in hazarding whose security even the bold become cowards and the rash discreet. Who then ever heard of a conspiracy made of such materials? What could incline such men to organize an active opposition to their government? To amass fuel for a fiery furnace through which they must passTo destroy the work of their own hands. To put in jeopardy comfort, safety, property, wife, child, and brother. To vary the dangers of foreign hostility by provoking the horrors of a civil war, and to fly to anarchy for refuge from the remediable evils of a bad policy! It would be difficult to conceive which of the malignant or restless demons, that influence human destiny, could preside over such councils. Whether "Ate hot from Hell" or simply the spirit of infuriate ambition. Ambition for what! For a place to sit and mourn over the ruins of our country! And was there not in those days, a “balm in Gilead” for disappointed ambition, to be found by turning from the old road and taking the turnpike? Besides what becomes of the ambition of men, whose choice was seclusion-whose eyes were then full fixed on Heaven. Did the tumult of ambition swell the veins of such men as Cabot, Treadwell, West, and others? Will Brutus say they were ambitious!

For the rest―The principal evidence of the miracles wrought by the founder of our holy religion rests upon "the labors, dangers, and sufferings voluntarily undergone" by the witnesses to the accounts of them. And so far as the comparison can be made with due reverence, it may be safely contended that the same principles of human nature forbid the belief, that the members of the Hartford Convention would have voluntarily exposed themselves and their families and friends, in opposition to government, to perils like those of martyrs-So that the presumption in favor of the innocence of the Convention (keeping always in view the disparities of importance in the subjects) is analagous to that which forms the basis of the christian religion. H. G. OTIS.

LETTER X.

SIR,

My last proposed point of inquiry is, whether the appointment and procedure of the Hartford Convention, allowing its innocence, were in all events INEXPEDIENT? Here indeed is a

question very different from those hitherto considered; a question fairly open to controversy, and respecting which alone, ingenuous and well informed persons at this day can entertain serious doubts. The proceeding propositions depend on facts and inductions, many of which are self-evident, and all of which, in connexion, amount to the fulness of demonstration. But it is not pretended, that this inquiry is susceptible of the same unequivocal and satisfactory illucidation. Political expediency is not like patriotism and the cardinal virtues, "steadfast and unmoveable," admitting of neither shade or variation-But it is an accommodating quality, which though honorably engaged in the service of patriotism, depends on the calculation of chances and events, acts often in the dark or by a doubtful light, and must be governed by time and circumstances. There is but one genuine love of country. Though, as has been said of other love, there are a thousand different copies of it. It is seated in the heart:-But the domicil of expediency is the head. Patriotism is a matronly virtue which never changes the simplicity of her dress:-But expediency may, and indeed must, conform to the fashion, and though she ought never to wear a mask, she may occasionally, when she appears in a public assembly, "give her cheek a little red," without losing either innocence or reputation. When patriotism is questioned for her conduct, she calls upon truth and principles and honor for her sponsors-But the vouchers of expediency are wisdom and time. We may say of patriotism what it is very desirable to affirm of the law of the land, "non erit lex alia Romæ alia Athenis, &c." It is always the same. But the rule of expediency at Athens may not only be differently graduated from that of Rome, but in each of those places it may, like the climate, depend on the state of the atmosphere, on the tempests. and calms which, though they "balk not Heaven's design,” baffle the prognosticks of the most careful observers.

Hence it is apparent that expediency and inexpediency are not mere abstract generalities, but relative terms. And when one says that the Convention or any other measure was inexpedient, it may import either that it was impolitic or superfluousor not adapted to the proposed end-or unreasonable, liable to misapprehension and unpopularity-or so injudiciously concerted as to defeat its object. The inexpediency of a measure may thus be exceedingly gross and palpable, betraying an absence of political wisdom, forecast or experience, and justifying a perpetual forfeiture of public confidence in skill and talents. Or it may be extenuated by circumstances, and amount only to such excusable error of judgment as sometimes befalls the most wise and experienced. And though a correct estimate of a political movement can seldom be formed until after the eventYet is not the event always the standard by which it should be tried.

Within the boundaries of this immense region of expediency, one would imagine that citizens of the same country could find space enough for tilt yards and race grounds without converting the whole into a Bear Garden. That they might fairly contend for the prize of ambition and the rewards of wisdom, and be satisfied that those who are distanced should quit the field and pocket their loss, without being hooted and insulted by bullies and bravos, and stoned and pelted with rotten eggs. I can discern no reason why one assemblage for political purposes rather than another; whether Convention or Caucus; whether members of a State or National Legislature; however inexpedient may be their plans or proceedings; availing themselves only of the liberty of opinion and speech, should be dealt with as a den of bandits. It savors indeed of impartiality that a portion of the chief censors of the Convention, assail their old colleagues and friends of the Caucus, with quite as much of virulence and reproach as have been showered on their ancient adversaries. But it savors more of the fierce intolerance which bears with no difference of sentiment in respect to measures or to men-which imputes as crime to others what it has done itself, and what it stands ready to repeat under any allurement of interest or change of times. Which, doing whatever seemeth expedient in its own eyes, and reversing the operation of that

laudable self-love that serves 66 'the virtuous mind to wake," contracts the circle that ought to embrace all the good and great of the country, by excluding first adversaries, then friends, till it is confined to a little clan of which each member intends that self shall be the centre. To the fair and ingenuous persons to whom I have just alluded, I submit the intimation, that in judging of the expediency of the Hartford Convention, they should look to the state of things in the time of it. It may be admitted that similar associations for political purposes would hereafter be inexpedient, unwise, and impolitic; without surrendering the point that the Hartford Convention should be thus characterized. Public opinion has now become consolidated in disapprobation of such Conventions for political objects. It is of no consequence in this view, by what means-Future Conventions must be accompanied by a general sensation of jealousy and aversion, which would divest them of the faculty of doing good. This is an all important consideration. It is the duty of every independent citizen employed in the public councils, first, to attempt fearlessly by his talents and influence to guide public opinion; and next, to conform to that public opinion, which he fails to lead. No terrors of unpopularity should deter him in the first case, and no pride of opinion make him inflexible in the last. It is the part of a time-pleaser to hesitate in great emergencies until he knows the people are with him; and of a headstrong bigot to persevere, when he finds they are fixed against him. To decide, therefore, upon this question of expediency, or indeed to form a judgment in what degree, if any, the measure was inexpedient, and of consequence how far its promoters are culpable for deficiency of political wisdom and foresight, it becomes indispensable to take a rapid view of the posture of affairs, at the time when the measure was proposed.

It would only obscure this view, to connect with it any examination of the merits of the policy by which affairs were brought to their actual condition. Whether that was a pernicious and erroneous course or otherwise is an inquiry foreign to this subject. One which in its proper place I am willing to meet. But the present question is whether a crisis had arrived in the affairs of the State demanding recourse to be had to extraordinary means for its salvation, and whether it was expedient to