THE APPROACHING PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS. THERE is at present an unusual calm in | may be, it must be obvious to all reflecting the political atmosphere of the country, but during the coming fall the elements will be again in agitation. It will be well, whilst the passions are asleep, to take a survey of the field of conflict from a distance, and endeavor to settle the principles which should govern our actions when the day of battle arrives. minds that the nature of the Constitution by It is obvious to the most casual observer that there are many who are determined to fight the battle of the coming Presidential campaign upon the ground of sectional differences, the North against the South. Relying upon that unconquerable faith in the The Constitution adopted by these States, abstract principles of universal freedom and under which they were to be united as which undoubtedly underlie our system of one nation, was nevertheless in one sense a government, pervading as its very political limited one. It was made sovereign over atmosphere the entire mind of the North, certain matters of government, while in certhere are those who are calculating upon the tain other matters of government no soverexcitement always attendant upon political eignty was granted. Nay, so far from any strife, to destroy the influence of that reason sovereignty being given, it was not even perand those considerations of honor and ex-mitted, as in the power of the English govpediency which must in all things so gener-ernment over its colonial legislation, to have ally modify our actions, even when they any controlling influence. The States respring from the purest dictates of our highest conscience. Whilst in the South, those who would make a local institution a political power, will endeavor to keep alive the animosity of sections to accomplish their ends, either of real separation, if there can be any so mad, or personal notoriety. served a large field of legislation entirely and exclusively to themselves, and made provision for all new States thereafter to be formed to enter into the bonds of the Union and to assume the nationality of the great Republic, possessing, and for ever to possess, the same freedom to regulate their domestic concerns, We are then to expect that some candi- in all things not affecting the interests of the dates will be pertinaciously insisted upon by whole. This peculiarity, the highest reach no insignificant factions, North and South, of political wisdom, that has now stood the who must be considered the express repre- test of seventy years' experiment, and which sentatives of those ideas which are essentially we believe to be the grand discovery of posectional in their character. Now, however litical science, which the world must imitate desirable to either section the enthronement if it is ever to be blest at large with true in the presidency of their own exclusive ideas | freedom, is at stake in this controversy, and 4 ! therefore we may be earnest in its defense. principle in the nomination of Mr. Polk is, However wrong to us may appear any thing we admit, a strong temptation for the other in another State than our own, we must never party to follow the bad example. This genbe tempted to encroach upon that freedom, tleman was put forward by his party solely to make or mend it, which guarantees us the to carry their then prominent purpose of the very rights by which we may defend our- "Annexation of Texas." The "Whole of selves against its encroachments or influence. This great principle, we say, factions both North and South are about to put at stake, in the next Presidential canvass. They are about to make nominations which, on the question of the unfortunate sectional difference, will represent the one or the other side of the question. Now, that no man, who does not maintain a strictly national attitude in rela tion to all questions, is qualified for the office of President in the present crisis, will, we think, be evident to the thinking men of all parties and sections. Oregon" was included; but merely as a deception to help the main purpose, as its ultimate abandonment proves. But if this case is a temptation to partyism, it is a serious warning to patriotism; for through it came discord and "all our (present) woes." Now, if these principles to which we have referred are sound as applicable to any subject on which serious differences of opinion exist, how much more must they be true when those differences are sectional in their character, and not to be enforced either way without alienating one part of the nation from the other? During the last Presidential canvass, viz., in the August No. of this Review for 1848, (to which we beg to refer the reader,) we stated and enforced the principle which should govern the Whig or Constitutional party in their choice of a candidate, to wit: That a candidate should never be put forward as a representative of, or pledged to, any one idea or measure, but should merely be a representative of the general principles on which the government ought to be administered, without being a special champion pledged to exert himself, or use any undue influence in carrying measures. Otherwise, you violate the very spirit of our Constitutional Republicanism, under which the President is intended to act only in a judicial, an executive, and an advisory capacity. The immediate representatives from the people alone in Congress assembled, have the power and the right to originate and enact those measures which are to govern. The simple statement of this view we should think sufficient to establish it. For in a nation jealous of all power in the hands of governors, it to the world, as the representatives not only must be instantly perceived that the oppo- of this patriotic nationality, but of all the site idea is of the very essence of monarchy. beneficent principles which constitute the The flagrant case of the violation of this creed of the Whig party. If, then, in any of the local nominations that have yet been made, the parties making them have fondly hoped to create a dictator of their sectional views, they must abandon them, or the persons they have named must distinctly aver that they will be the President, if elected, of the whole Union, and not the President of one section and the tyrant of the other; that they cannot do otherwise than the Constitution which they must swear to will allow; and that their private judgment is not to be the sole interpreter of what the Constitution is. General Scott or any other man must do this, or he cannot receive the nomination of the Constitutional party. But in a time like the present, no man must receive it, who has on the eve of such nomination to make his declaration of principles. It must be some one who has been well tried, and during a long career conspicuously the champion of an all-embracing nationality. There are at least two men in this position, eminent to the country, and CRITICAL NOTICES. American Archæological Researches. No. I. The This contribution of Mr. Squier to the archæolof the American continent will add to the well-earned fame of the author in this department of investigation. The work is an exceedingly curious and interesting one. Some of the conclusions arrived at by the author we are by no means prepared to admit, especially the one as to the diversity of the human race. The question as yet must be considered an open one. As it is our purpose to present an extended review, we will reserve further comment on the work at present, commendit as well worth the attention of the scholar and thinker. Travels in the United States, &c., during 1849 and 1850. By the Lady EMMELINE STUART WORTLEY. New-York: Harper & Brothers. This very pleasant book, full of life and amiability, and "the gossip of travel," will surely be among the favorite reading of the season. We may heartily commend it, too, as a set-off to the books of Trollope, Dickens, &c., on this country; as the lady has the good sense to appreciate not only its grand and beautiful features, but the characteristics of our people. The current of English opinion will certainly begin to turn in the other direction, as the weight of evidence in our favor is certainly on the increase. The names of those already on our side should far counterbalance those on the other. We shall be glad, for their own sakes, when they get over their prejudices, and are able to appreciate the remarkable phenomena of this Republic. Any book that contributes to that end deserves well of them. The following description of Mr. Webster's residence will give a fair specimen of the style and manner of the book: "We have been much charmed with our visit to Green Harbor, Marshfield, the beautiful domain of Mr. Webster. It is a charming and particularly enjoyable place, almost close to the sea. The beach here is something marvellous, eight miles in breadth, and of splendid, hard, floor-like sand; and when this is covered by the rolling Atlantic, the waves almost come up to the neighboring green, grassy fields. Very high tides cover them. She was an exceedingly pleasant and agreeable young lady, full of life, spirits, information, and good humor. * * * "This house is very prettily fitted up. It strikes me as being partly in the English and partly in the French style, exceedingly comfortable, and with a number of remarkably pretty drawing-rooms, opening into one another, which is always a judicious arrangement, I think. It makes a party agreeable and unformal, I think. There are a variety of pictures and busts, by American artists, and some of them are exceedingly good. There is a picture in the chief drawing-room of Mr. Webster's gallant son who was killed in the Mexican war. The two greatest of America's statesmen each lost a son in that war, Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster. There is also a fine picture of Mr. W. himself, which, though a does masterly painting, not do justice to the distinguished original. It was executed some years ago, but I really think it is not so handsome as the great statesman is now, with his Olympus-like brow, on which are throned such divinities of thought, and with that wonderful countenance of might and majesty. The utmost good taste and refinement are perceptible in the arrangements of the house; and a most enchanting place of residence it is. All the domestics of the house are colored persons, which is very seldom indeed the case in this part of the United States. Mr. Webster tells me he considers them the best possible servants, much attached, contented, and grateful; and he added, he would fearlessly trust them with untold gold.' They certainly must be good ones, to judge by the exquisite neatness of every thing in the establishment. Mr. Webster's farm here consists of fifteen hundred acres; he has a hundred head of cattle." * * The Heir of Wast-Wayland. By MARY HOWITT. This novel will be read with great interest by the numerous admirers and friends of Mary Howitt, and well will it repay an attentive perusal. It is an unexceptionable book, written with true Christian feeling. Honour Mildmay, the heroine, gains our love by the simple discharge of her duties; mild, affectionate, and heroic, she overcomes "the worldly strong and worldly wise, by being simply meek." Mrs. Dutton is a well-drawn character of the unpleasant kind. She is a crusty batch of nature, a core of envy; and we can't help rejoicing in her final disappointment in not receiving a portion of the Wast-Wayland estate. The work is enriched by the manly, frank, free, and generous William Elworthy and Christie o' Lilygarth, "on "There is a very agreeable party in the house, including Mr. and Miss Everett, &c.; and in addition to the guests here, those staying at Mr. F. Webster's (Mr. Webster's son) generally assemble here in the evening. Among them was Miss S-hospitable thoughts intent." CLOTHING, AT WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. ... D. & J. DEVLIN, 33 & 35 JOHN, corner of NASSAU`STREET, NEW-YORK. THE Subscribers beg to call the attention of Merchants and others, visiting New-York, to the fact that theirs is the only establishment in the city where Clothing of the most superior make, and latest styles, is to be found in the most extensive variety, at both WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. Their object being to meet the demand of Clothing Dealers throughout the country for a superior style of clothing-as contradistinguished from the common slop work to be found at the majority of houses-as also to enable any gentleman who should require a FIT-OUT, in the best taste, to suit himself, from all the prevailing modes of the day. For this purpose one of the firm visits, each season, the various European markets, so as to select the newest things, and thereby save to our customers the importer's profit. Their aim is to supply the very best and most fashionable clothing at lower prices than any other house in the trade. An examination of the stock, before purchasing elsewhere, is respectfully solicited. WHIG REVIEW In the original Prospectus of the AMERICAN REVIEW, issued at Washington by Mr. Colton, its former Proprietor and Editor, a number of the leading Whig Members of the Twenty-seventh Congress (1845-6) subscribed their names to the following resolution : "Earnestly approving the plan of such a National organ, long needed and of manifest importance, the undersigned agree to contribute for its pages, from time to time, such communications as may be necessary to set forth and defend the doctrines held by the United Whig Party of the Union. Signed by Geo. P. Marsh, Daniel D. Barnard, J. McPherson Berrien, J. R. Ingersoll, E. Joy Morris, T. L. Clingman, Daniel Webster, R. C. Winthrop, Thomas Butler King, Hamilton Fish, J. P. Kennedy, J. Collamer, Wm. S. Archer, Rufus Choate, Alexander H. Stephens.' An engraved portrait of some distinguished person will be found in every number of the Review. These will usually be portraits of living American Statesmen, and whenever that is possible, will be accompanied with an authentic Memoir of the person represented. The first objects of the Review are of course political; it is designed to set forth and defend the principles, the measures, and the men of the UNITED WHIG PARTY of the Union It has been a matter of just reproach to that Party, that though it embraces its due proportion of the intelligence and learning of the country, it has had no Quarterly or Monthly Organ devoted to the expression and defense of its opinions and measures. The conductors of the American Review have done what in them lies to remove this reproach, by securing contributions from sources of ability and truth. The literary department of the Review will agree in spirit with the political. D. W. HOLLY, Publisher, 120 Nassau st. |