« PreviousContinue »
barbarism and anarchy, and again lie fallow reacting upon agriculture itself, make of it through ** dark ages," to renew its strength also a science and an art, infinitely more for another contest with Fate. Now this efficient and refined. diversity of industrial occupations, in which it Such are the doctrines of internal improvewould appear that the very safety of civiliza- ment and protection to our native industry in tion itself rests, can only be obtained by us their more enlarged aspects, and in those rein the present condition of the world by sults of them, that appeal to the deeper prinProtection. Besides this vilal result involved ciples of our nature, demanding from us by all in the proper establishment of diversity of the motives of patriotism and humanity an occupations, there are others of the greatest enthusiasm and a self-sacrifice that should importance. Nations are educated, refined, induce us to bear and forbear every thing to and invigorated by their pursuits more than the last point of honor, with all who are by any other causes. Intellect is thus de- with us in the sacred cause, that we may veloped in all directions. Thus only can be present an unbroken front to its enemies. acquired that combination of scientific dis- Contrast these beneficent principles with the covery and mechanical skill, in which almost barren negations that constitute the creed of the entire strength of modern nations con- our opponents, and say which should be consists. From whence have come those in-sidered the party of progress and action ? ventions and improvements that indicate the Responding to the call of these Commitexistence of a living energy in nations ? tees of the Whigs of the great State of Where, but from the centres of diversified New-York, we have thus endeavored to preindustry, where minds, clashing together, sent in bold, though rude outlines the princommunicate to each other those various ciples and measures that have heretofore ideas which, combined by excited genius. bound together the great constitutional party produce those great results that constitute of the Union and the laws. We have done real national glory?
this that we may show the imperative reasons They come not from the necessarily isola. for a universal acquiescence in the principles ted condition of an exclusively rural popu- upon which they have agreed to forego all lation. This kind of population is undoubt- action upon sectional issues; holding each edly the most important of all—the great to their own opinions and rights, yielding underlying foundations of the social edi-only, but implicitly, to the Constitution and fice; but remaining a dead level of mere the laws, respecting the rights and opinions material comfort, unless it be surrounded of others, but demanding the like obedience. and interpenetrated, by centres of more The opinions that divided the party were varied industry and enterprise: places where upon matters that have been settled after the genius for other pursuits, which will inev- the most thorough discussion. These comitably appear in almost every family among mittees express no desire to disturb that setthis population, may find its legitimate field tlement, but, on the contrary, yield an unof action, instead of chafing in uncongenial qualified submission to the laws that havo pursuits, or rusting in inactivity. The Eng- been passed to effect it. They recognize lish doctrines of free trade, so industriously the right, without any reservation, of crery promulgated among our farmers, may tempt State to regulate its own municipal institutheir adherence by some of their plausibili- tions without any interference, directly or ties. But should they not consider to what indirectly. Any action tending to resist, a dead level it must consign them—what a defeat, or render ineffectual any laws passed restricted freedom they would have, if they by Congress, they unqualifiedly condemn. must be confined to the one round, no mat- They have unreservedly expressed their conter what desires, genius, or ambition their fidence in, and demanded the support of, sons may possess ?
the party for the administration of President Yes, this great foundation of society must Fillmore; an administration whose princibe so laid and so cemented, that from out it ples in reference to that subject are enphatiand incorporated with it, may arise those cally summed up in the following sentistructures of mechanical and manufacturing ments :ingenuity, those domes of science and tem
“The series of measures to which I have alples of art, that not only educate, dignify, luded are regarded by me as a settlement
, in prin. and perpetuate the fame of a people; but I ciple and substance—a final settlement - of the
185 dangerous and exciting subjects which they em- / loyalty to Union and the Government under which braced."
we live. And at the same time he wished the "By that adjustment we have been rescued scrutiny into his past life to be extended so as to from the wide and boundless agitation that sur detect if possible any instance in which he had rounded us, and have a firm, distinct, and legal manifested a disposition to agitate any sectional ground to rest upon. And the occasion, I trust, or exciting question whereby any parts of the will justify me in EXHORTING MY COUNTRYMEN TO country, or any classes of the community, might be RALLY UPON AND MAINTAIN THAT Ground as the arrayed against others, or which might tend in any best, if not the only means, of restoring peace and degree to disturb the mutual confidence and atquiet to the country, and maintaining inviolate the tachment between all sections and all classes, integrity of the Union.”—President Fillmore's which is essential to the preservation of the govMessage.
ernment which has been transmitted to us. He " The President's Message, at the opening of the
had always endeavored to avoid and discountepresent session of Congress, expresses fully and
nance the unnecessary discussion of all sectional plainly his own and the unanimous opinion of all held he had felt it his duty to refer to questions
questions. In the high office which he had lately those associated with him in the Executive admin which then disturbed the public mind; those quesistration of the Government, in regard to what are called the Adjustment or Compromise measures made, and it was necessary that the voice of the
tions were then present; their decision was to be of last session. That opinion is, that those measures should be regarded'in principle as a final set- great State, at the head of whose government he tlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects was due to her-it was due to her sister States
had the honor to be placed, should be heard. It which they embrace ; that though they were not it was due to the General Government—that the free from imperfections, yet, in their mutual depen: views, the feelings, and the determination of Newdence and connection, they formed a system of York' with regard to those most embarrassing compromise the most conciliatory and best for the questions, should be declared. In two annual entire country that could be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions, and that messages to the Legislature he had endeavored therefore they should be adhered to, uptil time and what he believed to be the sincere and abiding
calmly, but truthfully and faithfully, to present experience should demonstrate the necessity of conviction, upon the then pending issues, of the further legislation to guard against evasion or large mass of the people of this state, without abuse. That opinion, so far as I know, remains reference to their party predilections. And in so entirely unchanged, and will be acted upon stead-doing, he gave utterance to his own honestly enily and decisively. The peace of the country tertained views. Those views are before the pubrequires this ; the security of the Constitution re- lic and upon record, and from the almost unaniquires this; and every consideration of the public good demands this. If the Administration cannot froin other indications of public sentiment, he had
mous expression of the Press at the time, and stand upon the principles of the message, it does reason to believe that they met a general, an not expect to stand at all.”—Daniel Webster's Let- almost universal response from the people who ter to the Union Meeting at Westcrrester.
had placed him in the position from which he had Such we believe have become, or are rapid- felt bound to give utterance to those opinions. ly becoming, the universal sentiments of the He thanked God that he was an American citizen
-a citizen of the Union of thirty-one States. He Whigs of this state, and of the whole coun- prayed that that Union should never lose any one try. The election of ex-Governor Fish to of its members. He was, too, a Northern man, the Senate of the United States last winter, with all the love of Northern men for universal was deemed by many as an evidence of a freedom; he found in that, however, nothing in
consistent with his duty as a member of a confedeBut this was a conclucontrary tendency.
racy consisting of Southern as well as Northern sion without data. How false it was, may men. Strong and ardent as were his attachments be seen by the following extracts from a to all the cherished principles of the North, much speech delivered by him on the 4th of July as he might deplore the existence of human slavelast, before the Cincinnati Society :
ry, he felt that it was an institution wholly within
the jurisdiction of those States which see fit to "[A member present put the question, ' Are you allow it. He respected their rights to regulate in favor of the compromise measures of the last their internal policy according to their own convicCongress ??-Gov. Fish would answer that ques. tions, and no act of his would interfere with the tion. He had been for several years in various rights. He respected too, and would abide by, all public positions, and in none had he ever attempted compromises of the Constitution, in the spirit in to conceal his opinions upon any public question which they were framed. He considered that their upon which it became his duty to express them. aloption had been essential to the formation of the He challenged the closest examination of his whole Constitution under which we had become a free, a life, both public and private, for any evidence of great and a happy nation ; , and he considered also desire to evade the expression of bis sentiments that their faithful observance was necessary to the upon any question of public interest, or for the perpetuity of that Constitution, and the preservaslightest evidence of any action or sentiment to tion of the Union which it has blessed. justify a suspicion of the want of respect and de- “Such had ever been his sentiments. When the ference to the laws of the land, or of devotion and compromise measures of the last Congress were
Unity of the Whigs : Their Principles and Measures.
under consideration, they did not meet his approval. | from its remembrance, serve to draw more closely
We have not thought proper to curtail
" But these measures passed into laws in the which they refer. They confirm and strengthspirit of compromise and of mutual concession. en the inferences and hopes we have drawn It was not to be expected that they should em from the action of the Albany Committees; body, exclusively, such enactments as any one sec- ! and we may confidently invite the Whigs of tion would have preferred. They were enacted, the whole Únion to a candid consideration of as he believed, constitutionally, and in conformity with all the requirements and forms necessary to the views presented. On the liberal, consecure obedience, and to demand submission to ciliatory, constitutional, and conservative their provisions. If, in any respect, either of them grounds thus set forth and agreed to, there was liable to any constitutional objection, the Con need be no further contrariety of action stitution itself provided the tribunal which was to adjudge the question. He believed that they did among any who are actuated by disinterested pot, in all respects, meet the views of the Presi- desires for the stability of the Union, and its dent of the United States, but they received his highest purposes. It appears to be conceded official sanction and signature ; and in his opinion by all, that nothing but mischief can come the President could not have done otherwise than give that sanction. As President of the United from the further agitation of those abstract States, his responsibilities were very different from points on which those differences, now hapthose of a representative in Congress from the pily harmonized, arose. No man, we think, Erie District. “ From the moment that the compromise mea
dare again, in the present temper of the sures became laws, he (Gov. F.) had unhesitatingly, country, open anew the unprofitable and at all times, avowed his acquiescence in them. He dangerous theme. All sides must see that would not allow his private judgment as to some of nothing practical could come from it; whilst their provisions to interfere with his duty, either as it is inevitable that all those measures essena citizen or as a magistrate, to uphold the suprem. tial to the business, the strength, and the acy of the laws, to submit to its provisions, to let it be enforced; and he would add, while he could progress of the Nation must be left untouched. not sacrifice the right to maintain his own opinions Parties must become utterly disintegrated or with regard to the impolicy of some of the details dead, the soul of their principles being gone, of those laws, he would not here, or in any posi- whilst demagogues and other harpies prey tion, or at any time, press those objections for the purpose of agitation, or to the risk of producing or
upon the lifeless bodies that in their living reviving sectional controversies or embittered geo- energy and generous strife for their legitigraphical divisions. Believing that the Constitu- mate principle, animated the body politic with tion entitled the outh to laws, efficient to secure the a wholesome antagonism. rights which were guaranteed to it, he could not look
Yes, there has been enough discussion and with favor upon a proposition for repeal; and while he earnestly hoped for a modification and excitement to show the temper of all. Those amendment of some of the provisions of these laws, principles which cannot be yielded on either the time of excitement was not, in his opinion, the side, have been clearly brought into view. time for wise and prudent action. He did not The rights of all have been clearly defined desire, at present, to discuss these questions. He in the intense discussions already had, and hoped and believed that the time would soon come, when the excitement of the late agitation the duties of all have been made plain ; so should be only a matter of history, and should, I that “he that runs may read.”
The Anglo-Saxons and the Americans.
THE ANGLO-SAXONS AND THE AMERICANS:
EUROPEAN RACES IN THE UNITED STATES.*
We are glad to learn that a new edition and power successively disappeared, to give of Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons is place to a proud Norman nobility, are about to be published in London. The among the subjects of the history undertaAmerican edition of 1841 of this excellent ken by Sir Francis Palgrave. and authentic work is, we believe, nearly out pect to see these and other topics connected of print. The sixth London edition was with the Norman Conquest fully detailed published in 1836, the first edition hav- in the volumes, of which the first is mainly ing been issued in successive parts between introductory. the years 1799 and 1805. In his preface The “ English in America” is a work of to the edition of 1836, the author remarks: | a different character than we might have “That he should live to revise its sixth edi- expected from Judge Haliburton, whose hap tion was more than he expected; for it is py delineations of American character in now thirty-seven years since he published his “Sam Slick," and other humorous works, its first volume. This is pleasing; but it is have gained him much celebrity. In the still a greater gratification to observe, that two volumes of his new work, the English so much of the attention of the public con- in America are described principally as untinues to be directed to the transactions and couth, disingenuous and repulsive Puritans, remains of their Anglo-Saxon ancestors, and who emigrated to America in the early part that so many able men still apply them of the seventeenth century, for the sake of selves to illustrate this truly national subject an envied indulgence in disloyalty and by various and valuable publications." schism. In his introductory chapter the
An American edition of the History of author states in effect that one of the prinNormandy is also announced; the first vol. cipal objects in writing the volumes has been ume only having as yet appeared in Eng. to inform Englishmen that Democracy did land. The author, Sir Francis Palgrave, is not appear for the first time in America durfavorably known for his large work on "The ing the war of Independence; and that the Rise and Progress of the English Common- peculiar form of religion that prevailed at wealth,” and a smaller work on the “History an early period in the New-England States of the Anglo-Saxons." In his History of exerted a very powerful effect over their polNormandy, and the effects of the Norman itics and modes of government. The auConquest on the English nation, he eluci-thor of “Sam Slick” cannot surely claim any dates a most important portion of English originality for this idea. Doctor Robertson, history, the particulars of which have here- in his posthumous History, George Chalmers, tofore been much neglected by historians, as in his various works on the Colonies, Burke, well as general readers. The origin and in his speeches and writings, and other Britcharacter of the Normans, and the manner ish statesmen, politicians and historians of in which nearly all the lands in the kingdom the last century have fully developed, not were transferred froin their Saxon possessors only all the facts, but most of the philosoto the conquerors; also the way in which the phy which is contained in the present volfamilies that under the Anglo-Saxon dynasty umes. The circumstances cornected with had been distinguished by their opulence the early history of the British settlements
* The History of the Anglo-Saxons, from the Earliest Period to the Norman Conquest. By SHARON TURNER. In 2 vols. London and Philadelphia.
The History of Normandy, and of England. By Sir Francis PALGRAVE. Vol. I. London: John
The English in America. By JUDGE HALIBURTON of Nova Scotia. London: Colburn.
in America are too well known to permit conflict, and is equally conspicuous in revo. any attempt at systematic and unscrupulous lutions of three days, temperance movements, disparagement of the early Puritan colonists and meetings on the hill of Tara; the same to be successful. Judge Haliburton con- sociability and demonstrativeness; the same fines himself almost wholly to the events natural refinement of manners, down to the which took place in the colony of Massa- | lowest rank; in both, the characteristic chusetts, and on that basis has written a weakness of an inordinate vanity, and their book, half declamation and half treatise, ready susceptibility to influences in a degree against Democracy and dissent to the Church to which the more obstinate races are stranof England. Still, this publication pos- gers;—to what, except their Gaelic blood, sesses very great merit, so far as the mere can we ascribe all this similarity between composition is concerned. It is written with populations, the whole course of whose nathe usual ability of the author; the style is tional history has been so different! We vigorous, lively, and sometimes eloquent. say Gaelic, not Celtic, because the Cymri of The narrative parts are extremely pleasing, Wales and Brittany, though also called Celts, and where the peculiar opinions of the wri- have evinced throughout history in many ter on the subjects referred to are not prom- respects an opposite type of character, more inent, the reader is delighted with the acute like the Spanish Iberians than either the observation and good sense which distin- French or Irish ;-individual, instead of greguish the work. But the unfair statements garious ; obstinate, instead of impressible; of the learned Judge respecting the early instead of the most disciplinable, one of the settlers of New-England, and his attempt most intractable races among
mankind.” to unsettle the verdict which an impartial Historians who preceded Michelet had age has long ago pronounced on questions seen chiefly the Frankish or the Roman elorelating to the character of the pilgrim fa- ment in the formation of modern France ; thers and the Puritan colonies, will not be Michelet in his History of France calls attenlikely to be received with favor by the un- tion to the Gaelic element. “The foundation prejudiced at the present day, or to add to of the French people,” he says, “ is the youththe popularity the author enjoys as a delin- ful, soft, and mobile race of the Gaels, brueator of traits of human character.
yante, sensual, and legère,-prompt to learn, Those who would obtain an accurate prompt to despise, greedy of new things." To knowledge of the people of the United States, the ready impressibility of this race, and the and look to the internal moving forces of easy reception it gave to foreign influences, human affairs as developed on this continent, he attributes the progress made by France. cannot but attach great importance to the It is certain that no people in a semi-barbaconsideration of races. To understand the rous state ever received a foreign civilization national character of our government and more rapidly than the French Celts. In a the spirit of our laws, we must go back century after Julius Cæsar, not only the to the earliest ages of the history of Eng south, but the whole east of Gaul, was alland, and study the character of the vari- ready almost as Roman as Italy itself. The ous races that from early times have set- Roman institutions and ideas took a deeper tled on the island of Great Britain. Of the root in Gaul than in any other province of the great influence of race in the production of Roman empire, and remained long predomnational character, no reasonable inquirer inant, wherever no great change was effected can now doubt. “As far as history and social in the population by the ravages of the incircumstances generally are concerned,” says vaders. But, along with this capacity of a late British writer,“ how little resemblance improvement, M. Michelet does not find in the can be traced between the French and the Gauls that voluntary loyalty of man to man, Celtic Irish in national character, how that free adherence, founded on confiding much! The same ready excitability; the same attachment, which was characteristic of the impetuosity when excited, yet the same readi- Germanic tribes, and of which, in his view, ness under excitement to submit to the the feudal relation was the natural result. It severest discipline—a quality which at first is to these qualities, to personal devotedness might seem to contradict impetuosity, but and faith in one another, that he ascribes which arises from that very vehemence the universal success of the Germanic tribes of character with which it appears to in overpowering the Celts. He finds already