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turf,

Clouds of all tincture, rocks and sapphire sky,
Confused, commingled, mutually inflamed,
Molten together, and composing thus,
Each lost in each, that marvellous array
Of temple, palace, citadel, and huge
Fantastic pomp of structure without name,
In fleecy folds voluminous enwrapped.
Right in the midst, where interspace appeared
Of open court, an object like a throne
Beneath a shining canopy of state
Stood fixed; and fixed resemblances were seen
To implements of ordinary use,

But vast in size, in substance glorified;
Such as by Hebrew prophets were beheld
In vision-forms uncouth of mightiest power,
For admiration and mysterious awe.
Below me was the earth; this little vale
Lay low beneath my feet; 'twas visible-
I saw not, but I felt that it was there,
That which I saw was the revealed abode
Of spirits in beatitude."

We have said that Wordsworth has been called the greatest of metaphysical poets. He is not in the right sense of the term a great philosophic poet. We find in his poems but little direct reasoning. He has constructed no philosophic system. Every real poet, however, is necessarily metaphysical. When Keats says, "the golden tongue of music flattered the old man to tears," he reveals to us a fact of man's nature, at which the philosopher arrives only by a painful interrogation of consciousness. Poets, for the most part unconsciously, have given tongue to the most recondite feelings and the most evanescent thoughts. If Wordsworth is really the most metaphysical, it is because he is the most meditative of poets. He was a disciple and a teacher of the spiritual philosophy, but that does not determine the question of his reasoning power. Readers and critics have mistaken perhaps his severe introspection, his intense meditation, for profound argumentation. He announces, but does not prove; he combines, but does not analyze. In the region of philosophy, if we may |

sees.

be allowed the expression, he rather feels than The heart of the poet tells truths, as well as the understanding of the philosopher. The latter may be more real to speculation, yet the former are more real to life. Wordsworth, therefore, saw the real property that man has in the affections, and inade himself the champion of man's right to the immunities of feeling and the treasures of the heart. Hence, when we study him thoroughly, we come to regard him as a controversialist, and can understand why he was unshaken by the scoffs of criticism, when we learn that great principles of life were dearer to him than his own fame. He had faith in the laws of man's nature, revealed to him by feeling and meditation, and was therefore heroic and firm. As the great metaphysician of the feelings, he has not preserved consistency, for the feelings change with advancing experienee and under the influence of different circumstances. We find in his poetry declarations of the exist ence of a creating and sustaining Deity. We find, also, clear statements of the doctrine of Pantheism. Again he states the Platonic notion of the soul's pre-existence. In the ode entitled "Intimations of Immortality," the sublimest one to be found in any language, we have the following statement of this pre-existence:

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"Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting:
The soul that rises with us, our life's star,
Hath elsewhere its setting,

And cometh from afar,
Not in entire forgetfulness,
And not in utter nakedness,
But trailing clouds of glory do we come
From God, who is our home."

Each of these statements was no doubt real to him at the moment of utterance. Hence inconsistencies may be strung on a thread of truth, while falsehood may be woven into the even web of consistency. Plato would not have defended in earnest his doctrine of pre-existence. In regard to it, Wordsworth was in earnest only in a poetical sense. It is well known that Dante represents the soul as a little girl "weeping and laughing in its childish sport," knowing nothing save moved by its Creator, "willingly it turns to that which gives it pleasure." Turning away from the scare-crow of Pantheism, which our poet never meant to advocate, let us be contented with the following beautiful and highly meditative sonnet:

"It is a beauteous evening, calm and free;
The holy time is quiet as a nun
Breathless with adoration; the broad sun
Is sinking down in tranquillity;
The gentleness of heaven is on the sea.
Listen! the mighty Being is awake,
And doth with his eternal motion make
A sound like thunder-everlastingly.
Dear child! dear girl! that walkest with me here,
If thou appear st untouched by solemn thought,
Thy nature is not therefore less divine:
Thou liest in Abraham's bosom all the year;

And worshipp'st at the temple's inner shrine, God being with thee when we know it not." We are not sorry that no space is left to dwell upon positive faults. A want of a quick perception of the ridiculous has exposed Wordsworth to the poisoned arrows of wit and the playful sallies of humor; an advantage of which the Edinburgh critics were not slow to avail themselves. There was no affinity between the subtlety of Jeffrey's intellect and the subtlety of Wordsworth's heart. We are thankful for the wounds inflicted by Jeffrey, for we have, on account of them, a loftier example of heroic patience and unflinching purpose in Wordsworth. Again we may say that our poet is deficient in constructive power. None of his poems have a pleasingly entangled plot. None of his narratives have a winding thread that begets expectation and awakens interest. Also, while dwelling upon sentiments he loses sight of individual life; hence his poetry is deficient in dramatic effect. Again, while he has

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every thing but the shadows or the realities of a court. It would be no difficult thing to show glaring inconsistencies in his political views, yet they may be harmonized, perhaps, by shifting the application of his ideal. Now we hear the tone of eulogy, now the tone of denunciation; this is an echo of the past, that a prophecy of the future. We might also refer to many passages which show a redundancy of language, and to some which show that he at times invested commonplace thoughts with a drapery of expression altogether too gorgeous. From his poems we could pick some that might be placed among the finest specimens of art that have ever been written, yet we could wish that upon certain passages more care might have been bestowed. A theory, vicious in some respects, has led him, in many places, to use unpoetic language and imagery.

We desist. Who can bear to expose the foibles of a wise and venerable friend? Wordsworth occupies a sacred place in our heart. His spirit, that hovers in the mysterious drapery of words a living presence on the earth, shall remain to greet and bless millions that shall come hither in future ages from the unknown, and to pronounce, as one of the sacred ministers of the Word, benediction on them at their departure. From him may all devout poets take encouragement, and all profane ones take warning, for the Eternal will permit the stamp of immortality to be put only upon that which accords with his atributes of justice and mercy, wisdom and love. has revealed to us new powers and susceptibilities of the heart, and the heart responds to his gentle touch with a deep feeling of sympathy and blessing. As long as English literature has a place for the wise Spenser, it will have one for the good Wordsworth.

O. W. W.

He

NATURE AND EFFECTS OF A PROTECTIVE TARIFF.

Ir is obvious to all reflecting minds, that under the present tariff we are importing foreigu goods to an excessive extent. The drain of specie from the vaults of our banks, which is now going on in consequence, would most certainly produce a financial crisis, bringing ruin upon thousands, were it not for the supply of gold from California. This is putting off the evil day, but for how long no one can predict. As it is, others are taking from us by this system nearly all the advantages we so eagerly expected from our rich Pacific possessions. We are merely becoming the shippers of the treasures of that region for our more sagacious European rivals.

Under these circumstances we will be excused for again presenting in the simplest form another argument for protection to our own industry in all its forms.

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ry advantage derived through the operation of the tariff. This can be easily stated and illustrated. It is, that foreign States, in some degree, actually and substantially pay our revenue. But how is this effected? It is thus: Suppose the revenue necessary for the support of the Federal Government equal to $25,000,000, (costs of collection, &c., included:) this sum must be raised in either one or the other of two ways, viz., by direct taxation, or by duties on foreign commerce: if by the former, then it is certain the government costs the people that sum, precisely; but if by the latter, then the question is, Have not foreign countries paid a part of the amount? Doubtless they have; and let us see by what process. Keeping in mind that twenty-five millions are to be raised-suppose we were at any time without a tariff, and that foreign goods could be bought in our markets at certain rates-any you please: for the time being the people pay the whole twenty-five millions, and buy their goods at the rates that may be: suppose now that subsequently it is thought fit by government to levy a tariff of twenty per cent. on all foreign goods sold in our mar

A tariff founded on constitutional authority, and at the same time wisely modified by all the necessities of the country to which it can apply, is a measure that cannot be successfully assailed. Some system of taxation must exist for the support of government; and none has ever been devised so faultless or so fit as this. Under its ope-kets, and which duty would precisely meet ration taxes are levied upon the people by their own voluntary action, and thus, as it were, by an invisible and unfelt agency; and the costs of collection have been estimated by high authority at one fifth only of the costs that would be incurred under a system of direct taxation. Thus, whatever is paid, is paid with the greatest possible convenience to the citizen; and the amount paid is less than it would be under a system of direct taxation by four fifths of the costs of the collection of the revenue under that system.

the expenses of government, to the entire relief of the people from direct taxation: in this case, and by the operation of a settled law of trade, the duty of twenty per cent. levied upon the foreign goods would not be added to the price which our citizens would be required to pay for them, but some smaller amount. The sum of twenty per cent. above the previous cost would be divided between the seller and the purchaser, the seller losing (it may be) five, and the purchaser fifteen of the twenty per cent. Now, each party losing in his respective proportion, the purchaser three fourths and the seller one fourth of the twenty per cent., which in the aggregate make up the twenty-five millions, it is obvious that the citiBut there is a further and direct pecunia-zens of the country pay only eighteen

These premises are beyond the reach of material objection; and if true, there can be but one rational opinion as to the expediency of the tariff system.

VOL. VIII. NO. I. NEW SERIES.

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ces: because the means of enjoyment are equally as great as (even greater than) before; inasmuch as the people gain somewhat from the foreign States by the transaction, after both supporting government and buying the same amount of goods as before.

Again, it may be said, if, (according to the foregoing hypothesis,) while the price of foreign goods is raised by the operation of the tariff, the rise in price is more than compensated by releasing a greater amount in the form of direct tax; why is it that the

and three quarter millions, and the foreign | it. By the operation of the law the GovStates the remaining six and a quarter mil-ernment has lost nothing-the citizen has lions, which are made to the country by the made twenty-five cents, and the foreigner transaction. has lost as much; and all has been done Perhaps some would say that, notwith- without the smallest injustice to any one. standing the apparent advantage to the Neither can it be said that the restraint country which this estimate exhibits, there of the tariff on commerce curtails the enis ultimately and substantially no advan-joyments of the people by effectually curtailtage; since the gain of six and a quartering the means of enjoyment in raising primillions on the one hand is rebutted by the restraint inflicted on commerce on the other. But is the objection sound? Let us examine and see. The facts are these: Duties are laid on imported goods at twenty per cent. to the amount of twenty-five millions: to obtain this revenue the country pays fifteen per cent. more on the price for its goods-an increase equal to eighteen and three quarter millions. Now, the eighteen and three quarter millions are the measure of the restraint on commerce: strike the balance, and the country stands benefited by the trans-foreigner has been forced to receive less for action six and a quarter millions of dollars: the restraint on commerce answers to only three quarters of the relief from direct taxation; the remainder of that relief is so much clear gain. To illustrate more familiarly: Suppose that without a tariff an individual were to pay the Federal Government $1 revenue per annum, and at the same time paid for hats of a certain description at the rate of $5 each: now, suppose a tariff of twenty per cent. levied on foreign goods; this on the foregoing hypothesis would remove the direct tax, and would raise the price of the hat seventy-five cents only. How, then, would the parties stand? They would stand thus: The Government would receive the same revenue as before, and the citizen as before would wear his hat; but the tariff would have the effect of compelling the foreigner to pay twenty-five cents of the dollar which the citizen paid before.

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his goods? The ability of the country to pay for them being undiminished, and the supply remaining the same, why should the goods be sold lower? The following explanation may suffice: When the citizen is discharged from direct taxation, the amount that he would otherwise pay to the Government remains in his own coffers, at his own absolute control and disposal. He is not obliged to invest it in one commodity more than another. It retains the general character of his private property, and he regards it only in that light. Suppose him now to go to a merchant to buy goods: suppose the merchant to inform him that the goods which he wants have risen fifteen per cent.; would he be influenced in his purchase by the consideration that the tax which he before paid was in his pocket? Not one cent more than if he had made the amount of his tax-bill by a bargain on the road; and that would have no appreciable effect. Men are not governed in their purchases by such motives; but they look to the relative value of commodities in general, and if an article rises in relation to other articles in general, (whether from natural or political causes,) they will buy in some degree the less of it. If corn, bacon, &c., remain at a fixed price, and the price of flour is doubled, it needs no demonstration to prove that less flour will be used than before, and this whether the rise is the effect of a tariff or

other cause. Here, then, is the inducement | importation from England bears to its whole and necessity for the foreign merchant to previous amount, but by the diminution of lessen his profits (under the tariff) as strong England's total demand for the articles which as in any other case-notwithstanding the we produce and exchange for her fabrics. fact that in this case something from the Here seems to be a principal, if not the only very nature of trade is made to the country ground of error on the subject. by the action of the system.

Still, supposing there is more in this abstract objection than has been allowed, is there not great reason to suppose that it is more than neutralized by the consequential advantages which flow from the system in other directions? Must we not allow it to be a matter of much moment that this system, by transferring a large body of our

Let us now examine its effect on the value and amount of home production, for this is an important department of inquiry on the subject, and should be well considered. How can it affect us in that quarter? In the following manner: Suppose England to bring goods to the United States, during any year, to the amount of twenty-five mil-population from the field to the loom, diminlions, for which she finds a market by taking ishes the amount and augments the price of in return the raw material, &c., which are our agricultural products, while at the same produced here: suppose, also, that the next time the condition of the new manufactuyear a tariff of twenty per cent. is levied rers is improved? Is it a small matter, that upon her merchandise by the Government of by encouraging and extending domestic the United States: it cannot be denied that manufactories, and thus increasing competithe tendency, at least, of such increase of tion, the prices of goods are lowered? Is duty is to diminish importation. The im- the augmentation of our national independportation being diminished, and the foreigner ence and security, by manufacturing within less able to buy, the demand for our domestic our own borders all articles of prime necesproduce is diminished, and, cæteris paribus, sity, a matter to be despised? These adits price must fall. Here an evil result seems vantages are manifest results of this system to be fairly made out, though very indefinite-results promised by reason and exhibited in its character. But is it not very manifest, by experience-and (leaving wholly out of that though an evil, it must be extremely, view the estimated national gain of six and if not insensibly small? Say that one a quarter millions by its operation) these thirtieth part of the exports of England is advantages must, in the eye of reason and absorbed in our markets; that the imposi-true policy, far, very far outweigh an objection of the tariff diminishes their importation tion which exists almost, if not wholly, in one twentieth of that amount, (which is per-abstraction. But, again, take it for granted haps much more than facts warrant us to that our exports are lessened by the operasuppose:) then the total demand will be tion of the tariff, and that therefore the diminished by the one six hundredth part of price of domestic productions is reduced: its original amount, only. Now, if such a what is the tendency of such a state of diminution of demand will affect the price things? Why, the very ground on which of an article, (as by the principle laid down foreign commerce is reduced, is that on which we must allow,) how much will it affect it? pari passu domestic manufacture is augSuppose a farmer, who in 1849 bought six mented. And what is the effect of the hundred yards of osnaburgs for negro cloth-extension of manufactures, if it is not to ing, finds himself in 1850 in need of only increase the demand for and raise the price five hundred and ninety-nine yards: how much would he expect the merchant to fall in price for the decrease of the demand? The principle could not apply practically in such a case, while as a mere abstraction we must admit it. And similar is the case between the United States and England. We must not estimate the decrease of demand in England for our cotton, &c., by the proportion which the diminution of our

of the raw materials, the productions of the country, whose price had fallen from the check given to foreign demand by the tariff (according to the hypothesis)? It is obvious that if the demand for our productions i diminished abroad, the very reason of that diminution will increase the demand at home; and, cæteris paribus, the demand being increased, the price is increased, (surely in this case, if in the other.) The whole

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