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otherwife we muft forfeit, in the one, or the other, while Henry remains poffeffed of Normandy and it will not be an easy matter to drive him from thence, even though we should compel him to retire from England. But by amicably compounding his quarrel with Stephen, we shall maintain all our interefts, private and public. His greatness abroad will increase the power of this kingdom; it will make us refpectable and formidable to France: England will be the head of all thofe ample dominions, which extend from the British ocean to the Pyrenean mountains. By governing, in his youth, fo many different flates, he will learn to govern us, and come to the crown, after the decease of king Stephen, accomplished in all the arts of good policy. His mother has willingly refigned to him her pretenfions, or rather the acknowledges that his are fuperior: we therefore can have nothing to apprehend on that fide. In every view, our peace, our fafety, the repofe of our confciences, the quiet and happiness of our pofterity will be firmly eftablished by the means I propofe. Let Stephen continue to wear the crown that we gave him, as long as he lives; but after his death let it defcend to that prince, who alone can put an end to our unhappy divifions.. If you approve my advice, and will empower me treat in your names, I will immediately convey your defires to the king and the duke.

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CHAP. VIII.

MR. PULTENEY'S SPEECH ON THE MOTION FOR REDUCING THE ARMY.

SIR,

WE have heard a great deal about parliamentary ar

mies, and about an army continued from year to year; I have always been, Sir, and always fhall be, against a standing army of any kind: to me it is a terrible thing, whether under that of parliamentary or any other defignation; a standing army is still a standing army, whatever name it be called by; they are a body of men diftinct from the body of the people; they are governed by different laws, and blind obedience, and an entire fubmiffion to the orders of their commanding officer is their only principle. The nations around. us, Sir, are already enslaved, and have been enflaved by thofe very means; by means of their standing armies they have every one loft their liberties; it is indeed impoffible that the liberties of the people can be preferved in any country where a numerous landing army is kept up. Shall we then take any of our measures from the examples of our neighbours? No, Sir, on the contrary, from their misfortunes we ought to learn to avoid thofe rocks upon which they have í lit.

Ir fignifics nothing to tell me, that our army is commanded by fuch gentlemen as cannot be fuppofed to join in any meafures for enflaving their country; it may be fo; I hopeit is fo; I have a very good: opinion of many gentlemen now in the army; I believe they would not join in any fuch mcafures; but their lives are uncertain, nor can we be fure

how

how long they may be continued in command; they may be all dismissed in a moment, and proper tools of Power put in their room. Befides, Sir, we know the paffions of men, we know how dangerous it is to trust the best of men with too much power. Where was there a braver army than that under Julius Cæfar? Where was there ever an army that had ferved their country more faithfully? That army was commanded generally by the best citizens of Rome, by men of great fortune and figure in their country? yet that army enslaved their country. The affections of the foldiers. towards their country, the honour and integrity of the under officers, are not to be depended on; by the military law, the administration of juftice is fo quick, and the punishments fo fevere, that neither officer nor foldier dares offer to difpute the orders of his fupreme commander; he must not confult his own inclinations: If an officer were commanded to pull his own father out of his house, he must do it; he dares not difobey; immediate death would be the fure confequence of the least grumbling. And if an officer were fent into the court of requests, accompanied by a body of musketeers with fcrewed bayonets, and with orders to tell us what we ought to do, and how we were to vote, I know what would be the duty of this houfe; I know it would be our duty to order the officer to be taken and hanged up at the door of the lobby: but, Sir, I doubt much if such a spirit could be found in the house, or in any houfe of Commons that will ever be in England.

SIR, I talk not of imaginary things; I talk of what has happened to an English Houfe of Commons, and from an English army! not only from an English army, but an army that was raised by that very House of Commons, an army that was paid by them, and an army that was commanded

by

by generals appointed by them. Therefore do not let us vainly imagine, that an army raised and maintained by authority of Parliament, will always be fubmiffive to them: if an army be fo numerous as to have it in their power to over-awe the Parliament, they will be fubmiffive as long as the Parliament does nothing to disoblige their favourite general; but when that cafe happens, I am afraid, that in place of the Parliament's difmifing the army, the army will difmifs the Parliament, as they have done heretofore. Nor does the legality or illegality of that Parliament, or of that army, alter the cafe; for with respect to that army, and according to their way of thinking, the Parliament difmiffed by them was a legal Parliament; they were an army raifed and maintained according to law, and at firft they were raifed, as they imagined, for the prefervation of thofe liberties which they afterwards deftroyed.

Ir has been urged, Sir, that whoever is for the Protestant fucceffion must be for continuing the army for that very reafon, Sir, I am againft continuing the army. I know that neither the Proteftant fucceffion in his Majesty's most illustrious house, nor any fucceffion, can ever be safe as long as there is a standing army in the country. Armies, Sir,. have no regard to hereditary fucceffions. The first two Cafars at Rome did pretty well, and found means to keep their armies in tolerable subjection, because the generals and officers were all their own creatures. But how did it fare with their fucceffors? Was not every one of them named by the army without any regard to hereditary right, or to any right? A cobler, a gardener, or any man who happened to raife himself in the army, and could gain their affections, was made emperor of the world: was not every fucceeding emperor raised to the throne, or tumbled headlong into the

duft,

duft, according to the mere whim or mad frenzy of the foldiers?

WE are told this army is defired to be continued but for one year longer, or for a limited term of years. How abfurd is this diftinction! Is there any army in the world continued for any term of years? Does the most abfolute monarch tell his army, that he is to continue them for any number of years, or any number of months? How long have we already continued our army from year to year? And if it thus continues, wherein will it differ from the ftanding armies of thofe countries which have already fubmitted their necks to the yoke? We are now come to the Rubicon; our army is now to be reduced, or it never will; from his Majesty's own mouth we are affured of a profouud tranquillity abroad, we know there is one at home; if this is not a proper time, if thefe circumstances do not afford us a fafe opportunity for reducing at least a part of our regular forces, we never can expect to fee any reduction; and this nation, already overburdened with debts and taxes, must be loaded with the heavy charge of perpetually fupporting a numerous ftanding army; and remain for ever expofed to the danger of having its liberties and privileges trampled upon by any future King or Miniftry, who shall take it in their heads to do fo, and shall take a proper care to model the army for that purpose.

CHAP. IX.

SIR JOHN ST. AUBIN's SPEECH FOR REPEALING THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.

MR. SPEAKER,

THE fubject matter of this debate is of fuch importance,

that I fhould be ashamed to return to my electors, with

out

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