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otherwise we must forfeit, in the one, or the other, while Henry remains poffefsed of Norinandy: and it will not be an easy matter to drive him from thence, even though we should compel him to retire from England. But by amicably compounding his quarrel with Stephen, we shall maintain all our interefts, private and public. His greatness abroad will increase the power of this kingdom; it will make us respectable and formidable to France: England will be the head of all those ample dominions, which extend from the British ocean to the Pyrenean mountains. . By governing, in his youth, so many different states, he will learn to govern us, and come to the crown, after the decease of king Stephen, accomplished in all the arts of good policy. His mother has willingly resigned to him her pretensions, or rather the acknowledges that his are fuperior: we therefore can have nothing to apprehend on that side. In every view, our peace, our safety, the repose of our consciences, the quiet and happiness of our pofterity will be firmly established by the means I propofe. Let Stephen continue to wear the Crown that we gave him, as long as he lives; but after his death let it defcend to that prince, who alone can put an end to our unhappy divisions. If you approve my advice, and will empower me treat in your names, I will immediately convey your desires to the king and the duke.
MR. PULTENEY's. SPEECH ON THE MOTION FOR
REDUCING THE ARMY.. SIR, We have heard a great deal about parliamentary armies, and about an army continued from year to year; I have always been, Sir, and always shall be, against a standing army of any kind: to me it is a terrible thing, whether under that of parliamentary or any other designation ; a standing army is ftill a standing army, whatever name it be called by; they are a body of men distinct from the body of the people; they are governed by different laws, and blind obedience, and an entire submission to the orders of their commanding officer is their only principle. The nations around us, Sir, are already enslaved, and have been enslaved by those very means; by means of their standing armies they have every one lost their liberties; it is indeed impoflib.e that the liberties of the people can be preserved in any country where a numerous lianding army is kept up. Shall we then take any of our measures from the examples of our neighbours? No, sir, on the contrary, from their misfortunes we ought io learn to avoid thote rocks upon whic.t they have 1, lit.
IT figi ifics nothing to tell me, that our army is commanded by such gentlemen as cannot be supposed to join in any measures for enslaving ihzir country; it may be so; I hope. it is fo; I have a very good: opinion of many gentlemen now in the army; I believe they would not join in such casures; but their lives, are uncertain, nor can we be sure.
how long they may be continued in command; they may be all dismissed in a moment, and proper tools of Power put in their room.
Besides, Sir, we know the passions of men, we know how dangerous it is to trust the best of men with too much power.
Where was there a braver army than that under Julius Cæsar? Where was there ever an army that had served their country more faithfully? That army was commanded generally by the best citizens of Rome, by men of great fortune and figure in their country ? yet that army enslaved their country. The affections of the soldiers. towards their country, the honour and integrity of the under officers, are not to be depended on; by the military law, the administration of justice is so quick, and the punishments so severe, that neither officer nor soldier dares offer to dispute the orders of his supreme commander; he must not consult his own inclinations : If an officer were commanded to pull his own father out of his house, he must do it; he dares not disobey ; immediate death would be the sure consequence of the least grumbling. And if an officer were fent into the court of requests, accompanied by a body of muketeers with screwed bayonets, and with orders to tell us what we ought to do, and how we were to vote, I know what would be the duty of this house; I know it would be our duty to order the officer to be taken and hanged up at the door of the lobby : but, Sir, I doubt much if such a spirit could be found in the house, or in any house of Commons that will ever be in England.
Sir, I talk not of imaginary things; I talk of what has happened to an English House of Commons, and from an English army! not only from an English army, but an army that was raised by that very House of Commons, an army that was paid by them, and an army that was commanded
by generals appointed by them. Therefore do not let us vainly imagine, that an army raised and maintained by authority of Parliament, will always be submiffive to them : if an army be so numerous as to have it in their power to over-awe the Parliament, they will be submifli ve as long as the Parliament does nothing to disoblige cheir favourite general; but when that cafe happens, I am afraid, that in place of the Parliament's dismising the army, the army will dismiss the Parliament, as they have done heretofore. Nor does the legality or illegality of that Parliament, or of that army, alter the cafe ; for with respect to that army, and according to their way of thinking, the Parliament dismissed by them was a legal Parliament; they were an army raised and maintained according to law, and at first they were raised, as they imagined, for the preservation of those liberties which they afterwards destroyed.
It has been urged, Sir, that whoever is for the Protestant facceffion must be for continuing the army: for that very reason, Sir, I am against continuing the army. I know that neither the Protestant succession in his Majesty's most illustrious house, nor any fucceffion, can ever be safe as long as there is a standing army in the country. Armies, Sir, have no regard to hereditary successions. The first two Cæsars at Rome did pretty weil, and found means to keep their armies in tolerable subjection, because the generals and officers were all their own creatures. But how did it fare with their successors? Was not every one of them. named by the army without any regard to hereditary right, or to any right? A cobler, a gardener, or any man who happened to raise himself in the army, and could gain their affections, was made emperor of the world : was not every succeeding emperor raised to the throne, or tumbled headlong into the
duft, according to the mere whim or mad frenzy of the foldiers ?
We are told this army is desired to be continued but for one year longer, or for a limited term of years. How absurd is this distinction! Is there any army in the world continued for any term of years ? Does the most absolute monarch tell his army, that he is to continue them for any number of years, or any number of months ? How long have we already continued our army from year to year? And if it thus continues, wherein will it differ from the standing armies of thofe countries which have already fubmitted their necks to the yoke? We are now come to the Rubicon ; our army is now to be reduced, or it never will; from his Majeity's own mouth we are affured of a profouud tranquillity abroad, we know there is one at home; if this is not a proper time, if these circumstances do not afford us a safe opportunity for reducing at least a part of our regular forces, we never can expect to see any reduction ; and this nation, already overe burdened with debts and taxes, must be loaded with the heavy charge of perpetually supporting a numerous standing army; and remain forever exposed to the danger of having its liberties and privileges trampled upon by any future King or Miniftry, who shall take it in their heads to do so, and shall take a proper care to model the army for that purpose.
SiR JOHN ST. AUBIN's SPEECH POR REPEALING
THE SEPTENNLAL ACT.
HE fubject matter of this debate is of such importance, that I thould be ashamed return to my electors, with