many inftances, in former times, of people boafting loudly of their liberty, as well as of the name of religion, while they have, in fact, known little more of either than the empty name; even while they have fometimes been practically demonstrating, that what they professed fo highly to venerate, has been really the object of their contempt, or deteftation. Recent experience, he is afraid, may afford new examples of this, in addition to the former. Were the workings of the fpirit of defpotism in human governments now entirely fubfided, or were the princi ples of perfecution indeed fo far funk in credit and in power, as no longer at prefent to appear formidable, yet would not the precaution of raifing barriers against their return, be either un.eaionable, or needlefs labour. When the waters are low then is the fittest season for embanking: In the fury of the ftorm, and at the height But I of the innundation it would be labour in vain am tar from thinking that the great conteft is yet fo fully decided in favour of human liberty, and the rights of 'confcience, as to leave no room to fear a reverse. I apprehend the prefent crifis is big with more ferious dan gers in refpect to thefe, than the greater part seem to be aware. Never fince the writer was capable of paying attention to the courfe of public tranfactions, has he contemplated them with more pungent grief and anxiety of mind. Excited by what he felt and feared, at a time when to perfon, poffeffed of the fmallest degree of pu'blic 1pirit, can lock on with indifference, he has, in fingleness of heart, without regard to the jarring voice of tadion, or what the love of eale, or a felfifh worldly prudence might feem to dictate, adventured to fubmit the following Reflections to the Public; intended at leaf, to ferve its best interes. At all times the friends of liberty ought to watch it They have with the most jealous care. The citadel on every fide, as well as every movement of its adverfaries, ought to be furveyed with an eagle eye; left it should be affailed from fome unfuspected quarter, or while an attack is made more directly on one fide, another fhould be left unguarded. Civil and religious liberty are but two great branches of the fame expanded tree. ever been found most intimately allied. both had the fame common enemies; and nearly the fame pretexts and methods have been employed to under. mine and destroy both. When a certain king of Ifrael, degenerating from falutary counfels, shut up a prophet in a prifon-house, he oppreffed fome of the people at the fame time.' Thefe confiderations fhould infpire the friends of civil and religious liberty, and the promoters of political and ecclefiaftical reform, with unanimity, as for a common caufe. It is furely their wisdom as it is their intereft to cultivate an amicable correfpondence, & on all trying occafions to act in concert. Though fometimes the one may feem more immediately to be attacked, yet the other can never have just cause to resign themfelves to fecurity, or witnefs without concern the oppref fion or defeat of their brethren. If at any time they fhould be fo blind, they would foon have reaton to regret their fupineness, when they should perceive themfelves marked out, like the remainder of Ulyffes' companions, by a gigantic infatiable Polyphemus, for the next meal, after their fellows had been devoured. Time was, when the burden of oppreffive power, and the feverity of penal laws, fell chiefly upon religious reformers, and the affertors of Chriftian liberty; and the important conflict was left almost wholly in their hands. State patriots, and mere political reformers, were too often difpofed to stand at a distance, or have but too coldly, partially, or tardily, efponfed their intereft, perhaps when all appeared otherwife to be inevi tably loft: though mature experience ufually inclined at lat to exculpate and juftify their principles, and ne、 ceffity more than once has driven bodies politic to adopt their ideas and measures. Of late the tide throughout Europe, feems fomewhat to have varried its direction. While diverfity of opinions and practices, merely religi ous, is generally overlooked, certain political and philofophical opinions, are now profcribed, while plans and affociations for civil reform are the marked objects of jealoufy and feverity. Thofe acts and proceedings which have lately caused alarm and complaint, are evidently ointed this way. The religious part of the nation, especially those who, from confcience, are engaged in teftifying against a variety of errors, and public corruptions, which they per ceive to be ftiil authorized in human conftitutions, and who have adopted the principles, and are profecuting -the measures, which tend to an ecclefiaftical reformation, (as all faithful Chriftians in every age have done) -have reafon to be very thankful for the quiet and respite they enjoy, while the boisterous winds are held from blowing directly upon them, to their hurt. But in the maxims diffeminated, and measures lately recommended, by the prefent administration (whole influence and pernicious counfels have greatly difturbed the empire,) and which have already affected to many of their fellow subjects, they may eafily difcern what is the doom of all resigious diffenters, and of all reforming affociators, without exception, whenever a fimilar alarm shall be railed of danger to the British conftitution, and the ecclefiaftical laws, from the free toleration of religious opinions, and of church associations. In these maxims and mea.ures, the germ of religious intolerance, and of periecution for con cience fake, may be seen,ready to bud and fpring up, £om the fame root which have already emit eted the luxuriant ftalk of political intolerance. It ap efepears to be more owing to circumstances, than any Pfential difference between the two cafes that religious twritings attacking certain abufes in the legally establishned churches, and fchemes for reforming them, have not been treated by the prefent miniftry with the fame feverity with thofe of another kind. Perhaps the difference in a great measure arises from the general coldness of all in the cause of religious reform, and the little attention which men at prefent bestow on every thing relating to religion, except when combined with other views and interefts. The late Proclamation (viewed as the prolific error, and effect of the faulty counfel of minifters) is, in the following sheets, chiefly confidered in the reference it has to religious fentiments, and ecclefiaftical reform, which however obvious at the very firft reading of it, has not been fo generally adverted to, nor particularly animadverted on by others. No diftinction is made be tween writings which attack the established conftitution in the church and in the state, or in the attempts which may alienate men from any of the laws ecclefiaftical or civil, but all of them feem to be indifcriminately denounced feditious. The North British Proteftant is glad. to fee fo many spirited advocates raised up to plead the cause of political freedom, and the right of profecuting a civil reform. He is particularly happy to hear of a lau dable affociation formed for maintaining the freedom of the Prefs. Though he has never attended any of the focieties, nor engaged in any of the late affociations, for thefe purposes, he cannot hold himself as uninterested in the struggle, or in the fuccefs. But his fituation, fludies, and habits of life, concur in fixing his attention chiefly on the dangers, which he apprehends may probably arife, from the fpirit and meafures of the time, to the facred rights of confcience, and the great Charter of Proteftants. Dear as the civil privileges of mankind are to him, these he accounts ftill more valuable and dear. If Chriftians fhall ever be debarred from freely examining all the doctrines, edits, and injunctions of meti, relating to the interests of religion, if it fhall be made criminal for them to pronounce any judgment, or censure, upon the principles or conduct of their human rulers, if compulsion shall be employed to oblige them to fupprefs their clearest sentiments and convictions, it will be of fmall confequence, whether they dwell in the British foil, or under the jurifdiction of the holy Inquifition, within the limits of St. Peter's Patrimony, or under the eye of eastern Bashaws and their armed Janizaries. On the great principles of British liberty, and of Proteftant reform, the author had long formed his opinion, before the late debates arofe about revolutions abroad, or reform at home; fo that he had lefs difficulty in determining, amidst the rifing heats, and alarming divifion of the nation, on what fide these were most likely to be found. He has not knowingly advanced any thing here beyond the just limits and native consequences of these principles, which he fuppofed to have been too firmly ef tablished to be now openly called into question, and which, ever fince the revolution, have been allowed all hands to pafs current in Britain. If any should now reprefent them as obnoxious, and no longer tolerable, if they are men who ever knew what British and Protef tant liberty meant, he could only impute this to fome unaccountable change in their own fpirits, or rules of judging, and not to the objects of their offence. To perfons of this difpofition, before they rush into acts of anti-chriftian violence, or inftigate others to them, he would only recommend the awful addrefs of our blessed од |