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My Lords and you the Commons; when I purposed to make a war in Brittaine by my lieutenant, I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor. But now that I mean to make a war upon France in person, I will declare it to you myself. That war was to defend another man's right, but this is to recover our own; and that ended by accident, but we hope this shall end in victory.

He

"The French King troubles the Christian world. That which he hath is not his own, and yet he seeketh more, hath invested himself of Brittaine.' He maintaineth the rebels in Flanders: and he threateneth Italy. For ourselves, he hath proceeded from dissimulation to neglect, and from neglect to contumely. He hath assailed our confederates: he denieth our tribute: in a word, he seeks war. So did not his father; but sought peace at our hands; and so perhaps will he, when good counsel or time shall make him see as much as his father did.

"Meanwhile, let us make his ambition our advantage, and let us not stand upon a few crowns of tribute or acknowledgement, but by the favour of Almighty God try our right for the crown of France itself; remembering that there hath been a French King prisoner in England, and a King of England crowned in France. Our confederates are not diminished. Burgundy is in a mightier hand than ever, and never more provoked. Brittaine cannot help us, but it may hurt them. New acquests are more burden than strength. The malcontents of his own kingdom have not been base populace nor titulary impostors; but of an higher nature. The King of Spain (doubt ye not) will join with us, not knowing where the French King's ambition will stay. Our holy father (the Pope) likes no Tramontanes in Italy. But howsoever it be, this matter of confederates is rather to be thought on than

Majesty's Speech" would be description quite sufficient. One of these happened perhaps to be preserved. A collector coming into possession of it, and wanting to know in what department of his collection it should be put, fixed the year at once from the circumstances. It was plainly a declaration of war with France, about the time when Brittany was absorbed into the French monarchy. Then he turned to his Polydore, or Hall, or Holinshed, or Stowe, found this passage, and wrote on the back "The Speech of K. Henry 7, at the opening of the Parliament in 1491;" which would seem to be authority sufficient for stating that Henry opened the session in

person.

So Ed. 1622. The MS. has "he hath invested Brittaine."

2 The Ed. of 1622 has "base, popular." In the MS. it seems to have been first written "populare," but the r has plainly been corrected into a c.

reckoned on; for God forbid but England should be able to get reason of France without a second.

"At the battles of Cressy, Poictiers, Agent-Court, we were of ourselves. France hath much people, and few soldiers: they have no stable bands of foot. Some good horse they have, but those are forces which are least fit for a defensive war, where the actions are in the assailant's choice. It was our discords only that lost France; and (by the power of God) it is the good peace which we now enjoy that will recover it. God hath hitherto blessed my sword. I have in this time that I have reigned, weeded out my bad subjects, and tried my good. My people and I know one another; which breeds confidence. And if there should be any bad blood left in the kingdom, an honourable foreign war will vent it or purify it. In this great business let me have your advice and aid. If any of you were to make his son knight, you might have aid of your tenants by law. This concerns the knighthood and spurs of the kingdom, whereof I am father; and bound not only to seek to maintain it, but to advance it. But for matter of treasure let it not be taken from the poorest sort, but from those to whom the benefit of the war may redound. France is no wilderness, and I that profess good husbandry hope to make the war (after the beginnings) to pay itself. Go together in God's name, and lose no time, for I have called this Parliament wholly for this cause."

Thus spake the King. But for all this, though he shewed great forwardness for a war, not only to his Parliament and court, but to his privy counsel likewise (except the two bishops and a few more), yet nevertheless in his secret intentions he had no purpose to go through with any war upon France. But the truth was, that he did but traffic with that war, to make his return in money. He knew well that France was now entire and at unity with itself, and never so mighty many years before. He saw by the taste he had of his forces sent into Brittaine that the French knew well enough how to make war with the English; by not putting things to the hazard of a battle, but wearying them by long sieges of towns, and strong fortified encampings. James the Third of Scotland, his true friend and confederate, gone; and James the Fourth (that had succeeded) wholly at the devotion of France, and ill-affected 2 So MS. Ed. 1622 has "wearing."

1 So MS.

2

Ed. 1622 has "that he."

towards him. As for the conjunctions of Ferdinando of Spain and Maximilian, he could make no foundation upon them. For the one had power and not will; and the other had will and not power. Besides that Ferdinando had but newly taken breath from the war with the Moors; and merchanded at this time with France for the restoring of the counties of Russignon and Perpignian, oppignorated to the French. Neither was he cut of fear of the discontents and ill blood within the realm; which having used always to repress and appease in person, he was loth they should find him at a distance beyond sea, and engaged in war. Finding therefore the inconveniencies and difficulties in the prosecution of a war, he cast with himself how to compass two things. The one, how by the declaration and inchoation. of a war to make his profit. The other, how to come off from the war with saving of his honour. For profit, it was to be made two ways; upon his subjects for the war, and upon his enemies for the peace; like a good merchant that maketh his gain both upon the commodities exported and imported back again. For the point of honour, wherein he might suffer for giving over the war, he considered well, that as he could not trust upon the aids of Ferdinando and Maximilian for supports of war, so the impuissance of the one, and the double proceeding of the other, lay fair for him for occasions to accept of peace. These things he did wisely foresee, and did as artificially conduct, whereby all things fell into his lap as he desired.

For as for the Parliament, it presently took fire, being affectionate (of old) to the war of France, and desirous (afresh) to repair the dishonour they thought the King sustained by the loss of Brittaine. Therefore they advised the King (with great alacrity) to undertake the war of France. And although the Parliament consisted of the first and second nobility (together with principal citizens and townsmen), yet worthily and justly respecting more the people (whose deputies they were) than their own private persons; and finding, by the Lord Chancellor's

1 i. e. pretexts. Semper præsto habiturus esset ad pacem excusandam.

2 With reference to the question whether this was a Parliament or a Great Council, it may be worth while to compare with this description of it two independent descriptions of what was certainly a Great Council, in the year 1496. "In this yere (says an old city chronicler, Cott. Vitell. A. xvi. p. 161.) the 24th day of Octobre beganne a great counsaill holden at Westmynster by the Kyng and his lords spiritual and temporal, to the which counsaill come certeyn burgesses and merchants of all cities and good townes of England," &c. And in an original privy seal of Hen. VII. (Cott. Tit. B. v. p. 145.), the same council is described as "or grete counseill of lords

speech', the King's inclination that way; they consented that commissioners should go forth for the gathering and levying of a Benevolence from the more able sort. This tax (called a Benevolence) was devised by Edward the Fourth, for which he sustained much envy. It was abolished by Richard the Third by act of Parliament, to ingratiate himself with the people; and it was now revived by the King; but with consent of Parliament 2; for so it was not in the time of King Edward the Fourth. But by this way he raised exceeding great sums. Insomuch as the city of London (in those days)3 contributed nine thousand pounds and better; and that chiefly levied upon the wealthier sort. There is a tradition of a dilemma that Bishop Morton (the Chancellor) used, to raise up the Benevolence to higher rates; and some called it his fork, and some his crotch. For he had couched an article in the instructions to the commissioners who were to levy the Benevolence, That if they met with any that were sparing, they should tell them that they must needs have, because they laid up; and if they were spenders, they must needs have, because it was seen in their port and manner of living; so neither kind came amiss.

This Parliament was merely a Parliament of war; for it was in substance but a declaration of war against France and Scotland, with some statutes conducing thereunto; as the severe

sprūell and tempēll, of juges, sjaunts in or lawe and others som hede-wisemen of evy citie and good towne of this or lond." Bacon's description therefore applies to either.

1 This seems to be a slip of the memory; for though it was usual for the Lord Chancellor to speak after the King, the allusion is apparently to the last part of the King's own speech. The Latin translation has Quin et regis moniti memores, in hoc consenserunt, ut contributio (quam benevolentiam appellabant) ab opulentioribus tantum exigeretur.

2 Hume observed (on a comparison of dates) that this was a mistake. I have already explained at length my own opinion as to the nature of the mistake and how it arose. If that explanation should be rejected, it may be accounted for another way. The commissions for the levying of the benevolence, though the great body of them bear date the 7th July, 1491, did not all bear that date. There is a commission given in Rymer, dated 6th December, 1491, which is in the same words precisely. Any one who had happened to meet with the last and not with any others would have set it down as fixing the date of the levy of the benevolence beyond all question. It may be observed that this benevolence received a kind of sanction from a subsequent Parliament; an act being passed in 1495 to enforce the payment of sums which had been promised. See p. 160.

3 i. e. even in those days; when money was so much scarcer. Etiam illa ætate.

The declaration of war against Scotland, of which no mention is made in our modern histories, is contained in the preamble to the act (7 H. 7. c. 6.), by which all Scots, not made denizens, were ordered out of the kingdom within forty days. "The. King," it says, "our Sovereign Lord, hath had to his great cost and charge many assemblies and communications with the King of Scots for amity truce and peace to be had and observed betwixt his Highness and his subjects on the one part, and the King of Scots and his subjects on the other part; but what accord or agreement soever be taken or concluded, such accord or agreement on the part of the said King

punishing of mort-pays and keeping back soldiers' wages in captains; the like severity for the departure of soldiers without licence; strengthening of the common law in favour of protections for those that were in the King's service; and the setting the gate open and wide, for men to sell or mortgage their lands without fines for alienation2, to furnish themselves with money for the war; and lastly the voiding of all Scotchmen out of England.

There was also a statute for the dispersing of the standard of the exchequer throughout England, thereby to size weights and measures 3; and two or three more of less importance.

After the Parliament was broken up (which lasted not long) the King went on with his preparations for the war of France;

of Scots is ever under the surest promise broken and not kept; for the which it is better to be with them at open war than under such a feigned peace: wherefore," &c. I suppose the measure may be regarded as one partly of precaution and partly of menace; the object being to induce the Scotch King to renew the truce, which for some reason or other he seems to have been reluctant to do. The truce between England and Scotland which had been confirmed at Westminster on the 24th of October, 1488 (See Rot. Scot. ii. p. 488.), expired on the 5th of October, 1491. For some time before, the two kings had been on terms of mutual distrust and secret hostility. Henry had been secretly encouraging some of James's disaffected subjects in a design to possess themselves of his person and deliver it into his hands;—a design however which was probably not to be executed till after the expiration of the truce upon failure of the negotiations for renewing it. James had been secretly negotiating with the Duchess of Burgundy and Perkin Warbeck, and is supposed (see Tytler, iv. p. 361.) to have made up his mind to break with England as soon as he durst. Which of the two had the justest ground of complaint it would not be easy to ascertain but it is clear that neither of them could have felt secure that the other would not take against him the first advantage that offered; and it was necessary for Henry, on entering into a war with France, to make himself safe on the Scotch side. He was now well furnished with money and with troops, and well seconded by his people, and therefore in a good condition to treat. (It was partly with this view probably that he commenced his preparations for the French invasion so long before the time.) Commissione had been appointed in April and again in June, both to settle complaints concerning breaches of the existing truce and to treat for the prolongation of it; but nothing seems to have been concluded. Immediately upon its expiration followed the declaration of war, which had better success: for new commissioners being presently sent by Henry (22nd of October) on the same errand, they were met by commissioners on the other side, and on the 21st of December following a new truce was agreed upon between them, which was to last for five years. Henry ratified it at once (9th of January, 1491-2); but James, it seems, demurred; and a truce for nine months only was in the end concluded. It was to commence on the 20th of February and last till the 20th November, 1492: and was ratified by James on the 18th of March. See Rymer.

17 H. 7. c. 1,2. Veluti circa severam animadversionem in capitaneos qui aut stipendia militum mortuorum vel absentium in rationes suas referrent, aut etiam stipendia militum detinerent. Severe etiam sancitum est contra milites qui post delectum habitum sine licentia se substraherent Etiam protectiones quæ prius lege communi in usu erant pro iis qui militabant, statuto roboratæ sunt.

2 Thereby releasing them from the charges which were due to the crown in that case: ne aliquid inde pro eorum alienationibus regi solverent.

37 H. 7. c. 3. Ut exemplar ponderum et mensurarum quod in scacchario regis ut authenticum repositum est, in universum regnum dispergeretur; et pondera atque mensure ubique ad eam normam examinarentur et reducerentur.