the Christian world, nor than our own English Church, both always heretofore hath judged, and doth still at this present, as may appear by the Articles of Religion agreed by the Convocation, and by a book of Homilies allowed by the same, and also by sundry other books of greatest credit and authority in our Church; which is, that the Word of God, the sacraments, and the power of binding and loosing, are all ordinances of Almighty God, graciously ordained for the comfort and salvation of the whole church; and that therefore no part or member of it is to be denied the comfortable, wholesome aid and benefit thereof, for the furtherance of their faith, and, as need may require, of their repentance, &c.-For the other part, How far this censure extendeth? we profess that it depriveth a man only of spiritual comforts; as, of being partaker of the Lord's table and being present at the public prayers of the Church, or such-like, without taking away either liberty, goods, lands, government private or public whatsoever, or any other civil or earthly commodity of this life. Wherefore, from our hearts we detest and abhor that intolerable presumption of the Bishop of Rome, taking upon him, in such cases, to depose sovereign princes from their highest seats of supreme government, and discharging their subjects from that dutiful obedience, that by the laws of God they ought to perform. "CONFERENCES. Concerning our Conferences, we have been charged to have given Orders, and made Ministers, and to have administered the censures of the church, and finally to have exercised all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. To which suggestion we answer, That indeed of long time we have used, as other ministers have done (as we think in most parts of the Land), to meet sometimes and confer together; which being granted to all good and dutiful Subjects upon occasion to resort and meet together, we esteem it is lawful for us so to do. For besides the common affairs of all men, which may give them just cause to meet with their acquaintance and friends, mutually to communicate for their comfort and help one with another; men professing learning have more necessary and special use of such Conferences, for their furtherance in such knowledge as they profess. But such as are professed Ministers of the Word have sundry great and necessary causes so to do more than others, because of the manifold knowledge both of divinity, and also of divers tongues and sciences, that are of great use for the better enabling them for their ministry in which respect the conferences of the ministers were allowed by many bishops within their diocesses; and, to our know-ledge, never disallowed or forbidden by any. Some late years also have given us more special cause of conferring together, where Jesuits, Seminaries, and other heretics, sought to seduce many; and wherein also some schismatics condemned the whole state of our : Church, as no part of the true visible church of Christ, and therefore refused to have any part or communion with it: upon which occasion, it is needful for us to advise of the best way and means we could, to keep the people that we had charge to instruct from such damnable errors.—Farther also particularly, Because some reckoned us to have part with that schism, and reported us to agree in nothing, but to differ one from another in the Reformation we desire; we have special cause to confer together, that we might set down some things touching such matters, which at all times, whensoever we should be demanded, might be our true and just defence, both to clear us from partaking with the schism, and to witness for us that we agreed in the Reformation we desire.-But as touching the thing surmised of our meetings, That we exercise in them all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in making ministers, in censuring and excommunicating, in ordaining constitutions and orders upon such censures to bind any; we protest before God and the holy angels, that we never exercised any part of such jurisdiction, nor had any purpose agreed among us to exercise the same, before we should by public Law be authorized thereunto.— Farther also, touching such our meetings, we affirm that they were only of ministers (saving in some parts where a schoolmaster, two or three, desirous to train themselves to the ministry joined with us), and the same, but of six or seven, or like small number in a conference, without all deed of appearance that might be offensive to any. "SINGULARITY.-Which though it be not subject to any punishment of law, yet is suggested against us, by such as favour not our most humble desire of a further Reformation, to disgrace us, and make us odious with others, and chiefly with your excellent Majesty, Whereunto our answer is, That the discipline of the primitive church is ancient and so acknowledged by the Book of Common Prayerin these words,' that there was a godly discipline in the primitive church; instead whereof, until the said discipline may be restored again, which thing is much to be wished, it is thought convenient to use such a form of commination as is prescribed.'-Farther also, if it please your Majesty with favour to understand it from us, we are ready to shew, that in such points of ecclesiastical discipline of our Church, which we desire most humbly may be reformed, we hold no singular or private opinion, but the truth of the Word of God, acknowledged to be such by all the best churches and writers of ancient time, and of this present age. "Thus have we declared, right gracious Sovereign, truly and sincerely, as we will answer it before God, and to your Majesty upon our allegiance, what judgment we are of concerning the matters informed against us; and further testify, that no minister within this Land desiring a further Reformation, with whom we have had any private acquaintance or conference of these matters, whosoever may be otherwise informed, is of any other mind or opinion in these cases that have been named; by which declaration, if, according to our earnest prayer to Almighty God, your Majesty shall clearly discern us to stand free from all such matters as we are charged with, our most humble suit is, That your Majesty's gracious favour, which is more dear and precious to us than our lives, may be extended to us, and that by means thereof we may enjoy the comfortable liberty of our persons and ministry, as we did before our troubles: which if by your highness's special mercy and goodness we may obtain, we promise and vow to Almighty God, and your excellent Majesty, to behave ourselves in so peaceable and dutiful sort in every respect, as may give no just cause of your highness's offence, but according to our callings, both in doctrine and example as heretofore, so always hereafter, to teach due obedience to your Majesty among other parts of holy doctrine; and to pray for your Majesty's long and blessed reign over us.' Subscribed the same as March 1, 1591-2, with the addition of John Payne.† says, What reception this Petition met with from her Majesty is not shewn; nor when the Petitioners obtained their release; but it is understood not to have been soon. Whenever it was, Fuller "This Prelate [Whitgift], reflecting on his abilities, and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity College; and remembering, as an honourable adversary, they had brandished pens one against another; and, considering that both of them now were well stricken in years, and (some will say) fearing the success of so tough a conflict,—on Mr. Cartwright's general promise to be quiet, procured his dismission out of the Star Chamber and prison wherein he was confined." Strype tells us, "He readily gave his consent for Cartwright's discharge, as well as the rest, upon promise to be quiet."§ Something may be gathered from what his contemporary, and inveterate enemy, Dean Sutcliffe says: "It was their Honours' pleasure to shew him great favour, and to accept of a certain submission he made, as I have heard. But that he should be quite discharged, I cannot believe, for Mr. Cartwright may remember, that he standeth bound (in the Court of the Commission for Causes Ecclesiastical) to appear at any time within twenty days' warning given to him; which argueth, that albeit he be dismissed upon hope of amendment, yet he is not discharged."|| * Strype's Ann. Vol. IV. p. 85. + See sup. p. cxciii. § Life of Whitgift, p. 370. It may reasonably be conjectured that Cartwright returned immediately to his station at Warwick, which he had committed to the friendly charge of Mr. Serjeant Puckering, the Recorder of that city;* but, if Sutcliffe is to be believed, the change should seem to have had at first only the enjoyment of liberty to make it preferable to a perpetual abode in the walls of the luxurious Fleet prison. "What a ridiculous point," says this malicious declaimer," is it to think, that men may not speak of matters for which malefactors are imprisoned; especially when they or their friends do repine and grudge at their punishment, and pretend hard dealing and injustice, as the Petitioner and Job Throkmorton did in the behalf of Mr. Cartwright and others? Neither was the imprisonment of Mr. Cartwright so grievous or costly to him that either himself or others should complain or lament for the remembrance of it. So soft was his lying, so trim was his lodging, so pleasant was his company, so dainty was his fare, so great were the gifts he had, so diligent was his wife to rake in rewards, that many brave men of good desert that serve her Majesty in her wars would be content, the shame only except, to exchange the commodity of their places with him!"+ Such, according to the Dean, was Cartwright's condition in prison; in another page we find that whether in or out of prison, Cartwright had no reason to repent being a Puritan on the score of poverty, for, says Sutcliffe, in 1596, perhaps not four years after Cartwright's enlargement," having attained to so great wealth and living, by what means few men know, he hath no reason to complain of persecution, or to exclaim and cry out against the livings of the Clergy, and to offer them, as it were, a prey to those raveners that would help to advance his strange novelties."+ Putting all the circumstances together, and weighing them deliberately, no fair inference can be deduced that Cartwright was indebted for any voluntary favour from Whitgift. Sutcliffe's information shews that the release was on bond, being the act of several of their "Honours;" and, the Archbishop's assent after the affair of Cawdrey,§ with the hint concerning the danger of the "Premunire,"|| and the growing influence of public opinion, might induce his Grace to join his assent for the conditional liberation of Cartwright and his fellow-prisoners, without their being entitled to any claim of favour or merit for what was become expedient. "Henceforward," Fuller tells us," Mr. Cartwright became very peaceable; not that he began to desert the Cause, but the Cause him. The original state of the point of Nonconformity being much altered and disguised from itself, Baker's MS. Collections, Vol.XV. p 105. § See Note, p. clxxxiv. + Examination, p. 45. and many State businesses (which Mr. Cartwright disclaimed) by turbulent spirits shuffled into it."* This brings us to the strange affair of which so much was endeavoured to be made by "Richard Cosin, LL.D. Dean of the Arches, and Official Principal to Archbishop Whitgift." It is called a "Conspiracy for pretended Reformation; viz. Presbyterial Discipline. A Treatise discovering the late designments and courses held for advancement thereof, by William Hacket, yeoman, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, gent. out of others' depositions and their own Letters, Writings, and Confessions upon examination. Together with some part of the life and conditions, and the two Indictments, Arraignment, and Execution of the said Hacket. Also an answer to the calumniations of such as affirm they were mad-men: and, a resemblance of this action unto the like, happened heretofore in Germany." Published by Authority; 1592. These frenzied persons had no peculiar connexion with the "Presbyterial Discipline." They were enthusiasts whose excesses admit of no palliation, but of which the Hierarchy determined to avail themselves with the hope of perpetuating odium on all classes of their opponents. The Indictment charges, that William Hacket, the said 16th day of July, in the said 33d year (of Eliz.) maliciously and traitorously moved and stirred up the said Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington traitorously and openly to publish and declare in London, that the Queen's Majesty that now is, had forfeited her Crown, to the great offence and derogation of the person of the Queen's Majesty, &c." Though part of Cosin's business was to make it appear that Hacket was not mad, it is impossible to doubt on the subject; the information he has furnished being better evidence for that than his laboured attempt, in matter filling several pages, to prove sanity, and to discriminate between furor sive rabies, dementia sive amentia, insania sive phrenesis, fatuitas, stultitia, lethargia, et delirium! Coppinger is alleged to have starved himself to death in Bridewell, and Arthington is thought to have been released on his repentance and supplication for pardon, but Hacket was executed as a traitor: "thus died the most dangerous firebrand of sedition, most detestable traitor, most hypocritical seducer, and most execrable blasphemous hellhound, that many ages ever saw or heard of in this Land." The ostensible design of Cosin's publication was to warn the people of the evils of heresy and schism; but the covert and real design appears to be to involve Cartwright especially in the iniquitous proceedings; representing him as privy to them all; and consequently an aider and abetter of sedition and treason! For such base purposes did Deans * Church Hist. Book IX. p. 204. VOL. I. + Cosin, Edit. 1699. p. 128. |