the speech read by the lord chancellor. For the first time he was now told, on that authority, of the successes in Holland, and the achievements in Spain, which had earned for the commander the honourable distinction he had received from his sovereign. Contrasting this language with the indelible disgrace of the country from the failure of all its projects, what must be the impression produced, and how anxious must he be to support an amendment, which substituted for this perversion of terms, what was consistent with the dignity of the house, and with the just expectation of the British people!

His lordship took a comprehensive view of all the operations in Spain and Portugal, commenting on the instructions to lord Wellington, and on the manner in which his lordship had obeyed those instructions, complaining in pointed terms both of the plan and the exccution. The survey of the cam paign in the Peninsula was followed. by a luminous summary of the whole argument, and a pathetic appeal to the honour, wisdom, and humanity of the house, to relieve the country, if possible, by support. ing the amendment, from the accumulated disgrace and misery which must inevitably be the consequence of the neglect of the high duties of parliament on this most serious occasion.

The earl of Liverpool rose in reply to lords Grey and Grenville, and, in an able speech, went through and answered the topics of these noble lords. He observed, that the amendment was unprecedented in parliamentary history. It first went to condemn certain measures, and afterwards requested an inquiry into them. It was completely the judgement of Rhadamanthus, casti

gat auditque; by which the house might, if they adopted it, reduce themselves to this situation, that they might first condemn administration, and, upon investigation, it might turn out that there was no cause of blame. He next adverted to the operations of our army in Portugal and Spain, and insisted that they had been most beneficial for the interest of this country; and whenever the details came to be in. quired into, he pledged himself to prove, that the conduct of our general and army had been most wise and beneficial.

Lord Carysfort spoke in favour of the amendment. After which the house divided,

92

For the amendment
For the original address - 144

Majority in favour of the address 52
Adjourned.

In the house of commons, on the same day, after the speaker had read his majesty's speech, lord Bernard rose to move the address. On the subject of the expedition to Walcheren, he observed, that the particular merits of the armament were not at present the subject of discussion; but this much he would say of it, that the advantages the country would derive, if not now generally acknowledged, would soon be generally experienced. The sentiments the king had thought fit to express to his parliament were worthy of those he had upon all occasions entertained; he was beloved by his allies and dreaded by his enemies.-While empires were sinking, either by their own weight, or were hurled down by the rude hand of power, this country had defied the insults of ambition, and had remained uninjured amidst the machinations of the continent. He concluded by moving,

British soldiers that were wasted in that unhealthy climate. He only made these few observations in order to justify himself in proposing an amendment, which he then submitted to the house. His lordship then moved the amendment.

The amendment was the same as in the house of lords, except with the introduction of the following words, at the commencement of the second paragraph:

"That we therefore feel ourselves bound, with a view to the only atonement that can now be made to an injured people, to institute without delay, &c."

Mr. Ward supported the amendment in a speech of great length and ability. The main point to which the consideration of the house was naturally led, was the conduct of the war. Our warlike operations during the last campaign had certainly been of the most extensive kind, and these had been attended with losses greater than any this country had ever before experienced. Speaking according to the common sense and feeling of mankind, the very number and magnitude of their failures were proofs of the incapacity of ministers; for how could they be adequate to the administration of the country, all whose schemes had been accompanied by constant, repeated, and disgraceful failure? Within a very short period, they have failed in three great undertakings the expedition to Portugal, to Spain, and to Walcheren. The result of all their enterprises bad either been disastrous and disgraceful, or ridiculous. There must then be a species of miracle wrought, if we persuade ourselves that the expedition to Portugal, which ended in the Cintra convention, and all the others, down to

that of Ischia and Procida, may all lay in their claim to have been planned in the best and wisest manner, though at the same time, as we must allow, by the most unfortunate of ministers. When the government was conducted by Mr. Pitt, a man certainly of great talents, of a firm mind, and whose whole attention was directed to the affairs of the state, there might be some room for claims of confidence; but now we were required to place confidence in a government of mere party, which had lately for its nominal head a nobleman old and infirm, some of the principal members of which entertained for each other the most profound contempt, even while ostensibly acting together; and whose attention, instead of being devoted to the service of the country, was wholly occupied by dark Machiavelian schemes for parting out the different branches of administration, rather as if they had been matters of private right and inheritance, than conferred for the be nefit of the public. Was it then for discord at home, as well as for disaster and disgrace abroad, that we were to credit administration for the wisdom of its plans, and the vigour of their execution?-The hon. member then entered into a comprehensive review of our disasters in Spain. With respect to the achievements of our troops there, he said, had lord Wellington been defeated, it might have been ascribed to the uncertain fate of war, which could not be guarded against; but the victory of Talavera resembled rather a defeat, if we may judge from its consequences, since on that very spot, which had been the scene of their unequalled valour, our brave troops were obliged to leave 2000 of their

sick, and wounded to the mercy of the enemy! What else had been the consequence of the victory of Talavera, but an actual renunciation of all the objects of the war? and yet lord Wellington had been rewarded with a peerage! It was related by the historians of William III. that such were his talents, that he always found means, even after defeat, to restore the fate of the campaign. Our plans were of a different kind-our victories were attended with all the consequences of defeat-we derived no advantage even from victory itself. With regard to the expedition to Walcheren, that monstrum nullis virtutibus redemptum, he could not find terms strong enough to express the horror and disgust with which it filled him. If its purpose was the aid of Austria, our first object should have been to draw as near as possible to the great scene of action, where we might have had an opportunity of dealing with the best troops of our enemy. But, instead of this, we make a dexterous selection of the spot as far from the great scene of contest as possible. Bonaparte, instead of diverting any of his troops to oppose us, knew that it would answer his purpose much better to permit our troops to perish in the marshes of Walcheren, and that there they would be much more usefully employed for him than in their camp in England. He knew that the fate of Austria and of continental independence was to be decided on the plains of Wagram, and was not to be effected by the capture of Flushing, or the seizure of Middleburgh. But supposing the plan of this expedition had been wise, and that the execution had been intrusted to an able officer, distinguished for talent and

success, still there remained this preposterous absurdity, that we sent an army, at the most unhealthy season of the year, to the most unhealthy spot in Europe; the consequence of which was, that we lost 5,000 men by deaths, and more than that number disabled and ren dered unfit for actual service: and what was the strangest of all, the government remained two whole months in a state of vacillation and uncertainty, before they could determine whether they should retain or relinquish this most mortal and pernicious possession.

Sir Thomas Turton contended for the necessity of an immediate inquiry into the cause of the late military failures.

Lord Kensington could neither concur altogether in the address nor in the amendment.

Mr. Bragge Bathurst said it was by no means his intention to support the address; but still, as the amendment was worded, it was not in his power to vote for it.

Mr. Ponsonby took a luminous view of the disasters of the late campaign, particularly respecting the Walcheren expedition. Who, said he, was sent to command that expedition? Was it an officer of great experience and of high military reputation; who had often fought the battles of his country, and been crowned with laurels and renown; one who was celebrated for his energy and activity? No; it was an officer, who, under an inauspicious administration, of which his own brother was at the head, was obliged to resign on account of the inactivity, indolence, and imbecility of his proceedings in the high office then intrusted to his

care.

Lord Castlereagh said, the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, though

though he differed with him in opi. nion, must in candour allow, that he never found him 'shrink from inquiry. The hon. gentlemen might rest assured, he should never shrink from his penal punishment; he would on the contrary court inquiry; and the more it was gone to the bottom of, the more confident he would be in the decision of the house in his favour. He would not deny that the failure of the last campaign was such as to call for the inquiry of the house; but he protested against the argument of the measures of the last three years being incapable and disastrous. As to the expedition to Walcheren, it branched into two objects, the possession of the island of Walcheren, and the destruction of the fleet at Antwerp. The first, he maintained, was effected in a soldier-like manner. As to the failure of the second, he wished it to be understood, that from the peculiar situ ation he at that time found himself in, he did not consider himself as accountable for it; nor had he any share in the delay which took place at Flushing, nor in advising the subsequent evacuation. As to his own conduct, with respect to the expedition, he should be always. happy to have it undergo the strictest examination.

General Tarleton differed entirely from the opinion pronounced, by a noble lord, that Portugal could be defended. He thought a most peculiar degree of responsibility lay upon lord Chatham, who was at the same time a minister and a general. The expedition which he commanded was attended with greater expense of treasure, and a greater sacrifice of human life, than almost any other in our history, and it had most completely failed in its objects.

Mr. Canning then rose and said, that he perceived the house wished to come to a decision on the question, and it would not be necessary for him to detain them long, in explaining the reasons for the vote he should give this night against the amendment, and in favour of the original address. He defended the expedition to Walcheren; but ad mitted he could not agree with some of those gentlemen who had spoken, and who seemed to consi der that the calamitous failure of the main objects of the expedition was in some degree alleviated by the partial success it had met with, This was a doctrine to which he could never agree. He never would have consented to the expedition, if he had supposed that nothing greater would have been accomplished. After a variety of other observations, he then turned to what applied to him more personally; and thought that the dignity and the decency of the house, and the feeling that was due to indivi dual members, should prevent a subject that had been touched on from being discussed in that house; but for himself he would say, that it was his fixed determination, that 1o provocation whatever should induce him to enter into any discussion on that particular topic. (Mr. C. alluded here to his dispute and duel with lord Castlereagh. See the last vol. p. 166.)

Mr. Whitbread said, that it was rather strange that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Perceval) had not deigned to give them his idea of the state of the country, or to inforn them upon what grounds he himself was their minister. He (Mr. W.) had given way to the right honourable gentleman who spoke last (Mr. Canning), beeause he conceived that he wished to

make