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unlikely that Temple, who seldom went below he seems to us to have been excessively self the surface of any question, may have been ish, but very sober, wary, and far-sighted in infected with the prevailing skepticism. All his selfishness;—o have known better than that we can say on the subject is, that there is most people know what he really wanted in no trace of impiety in his works; and that the life; and to have pursued what he wanted with ease with which he carried his election for a much more than ordinary steadiness and sauniversity, where the majority of the voters gacity ;-never suffering himself to be drawn were clergymen, though it proves nothing as aside either by bad or by good feelings. It 10 his opinions, must, we think, be considered was his constitution to dread failure more than as proving that he was not, as Burnet seems he desired success,--to prefer security, com to insinuate, in the habit of talking atheism to fort, repose, leisure, to the turmoil and anxiety all who came near him.

which are inseparable from greatness ;--and Temple, however, will scarcely carry with this natural languor of mind, when contrasted him any great accession of authority to the with the malignant energy of the keen and side either of religion or of infidelity. He restless spirits among whom his lot was cast, was no profound thinker. He was merely a sometimes appears to resemble the moderation man of lively parts and quick observation, of virtue. But we must own, that he seems -a man of the world amongst men of let- to us to sink into littleness and meanness when ters,-a man of letters amongst men of the we compare him—we do not say with any high world. Mere scholars were dazzled by the ideal standard of morality,--but with many or ambassador and cabinet councillor; mere po- those frail men who, aiming at noble ends, but liticians by the essayist and historian. But often drawn from the right path by strong pas. neither as a writer nor as a statesman can we sions and strong temptations, have left to pos allot to him any very high place. As a man, I terity a doubtful and checkered fame.

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CHURCH AND STATE.*

[EDINBURGH REVIEW FOR APRIL, 1839.]

The author of this volume is a young man | it less the second time, and still less the third of unblemished character and of distinguished time; and now it seems to me to be no defence parliamentary talents, the rising hope of those at all.” “My good friend,” said Lysias, “you stern and unbending Tories, who follow, re- quite forget that the judges are to hear it only luctantly and mutinously, a leader, whose ex- once.” The case is the same in the English perience and eloquence are indispensable to Parliament. It would be as idle in an orator ihem, but whose cautious temper and moderate to waste deep meditation and long research on opinions they abhor. It would not be at all his speeches, as it would be in the manager of strange if Mr. Gladstone were one of the most a theatre to adorn all the crowd of courtiers anpopular men in England. But we believe and ladies who cross over the stage in a prothat we do him no more than justice when we cession with real pearls and diamonds. It is say, that his abilities and his demeanour have not by accuracy or profundity that men become obtained for him the respect and good-will of the masters of great assemblies. And why be all parties. His first appearance in the cha- at the charge of providing logic of the best racter of an author is therefore an interesting quality, when a very inferior article will be event; and it is natural that the gentle wishes equally acceptable? Why go as deep into a of the public should go with him to his trial. question as Burke, only in order to be, like

We are much pleased, without any reference Burke, coughed down, or eft speaking to green to the soundness or unsoundness of Mr. Glad benches and red boxes ?. This has long apstone's theories, to see a grave and elaborate peared to us to be the most serious of the evils treatise on an important part of the philosophy which are to be set off against the many blessof government proceed from the pen of a sings of popular government. It is a fine and young man who is rising to eminence in the true saying of Bacon, that reading makes a House of Commons.

There is little danger full man, talking a ready man, and writing an that people engaged in the conflicts of active exact man. The tendency of institutions like life will be too much addicted to general spe- those of England is to encourage readiness in culation. The opposite vice is that which public men, at the expense boih of fulness and most easily besets them. The times and tides of exactness. The keenest and most vigorous of business and debate tarry for no man. A minds of every generation, minds often admipolitician must often talk and act before he has rably fitted for the investigation of truth, are thought and read. He may be very ill-informed habitually employed in producing arguments, respecting a questiço; all his notions about it such as no man of sense would ever put into a may be vague and inaccurate ; but speak he treatise intended for publication,--arguments must; and if he is a man of talents, of tact, which are just good enough to be used once, and of intrepidity, ne soon finds that, even when aided by fluent delivery and pointed lanunder such circumstances, it is possible to guage. The habit of discussing questions in speak successfully. He finds that there is a this way necessarily reacts on the intelligence great difference between the effect of written of our ablest mien, particularly of those who words, which are perused and reperused in the are introduced into Parliament at a very early stillness of the closet, and the effect of spoken age, before their minds have expanded to full words, which, set off by the graces of utterance maturity. The talent for debate is developed and gesture, vibrate for a single moment on the in such men to a degree which, to the multi

He finds that he may blunder without tude, seems as marvellous as the performmuch chance of being detected, that he may ances of an Italian improvisatore. But they are reason sophistically, and escape unrefuted. fortunate, indeed, if they retain unimpaired the He finds that, even on knotty questions of faculties which are required for close reasontrade and legislation, he can, without reading ing or for enlarged speculation. Indeed, we ten pages, or thinking ten minutes, draw forth should sooner expect a great original work op loud plaudits, and sit down with the credit of political science--such a work, for example, having made an excellent speech. Lysias, as the “ Wealth of Nations”-from an apothesays Plutarch, wrote a defence for a man who cary in a country town, or from a minister in was to be tried before one of the Athenian tri- the Hebrides, than from a statesman who, ever bunals. Long before the defendant had learn- since he was one-and-twenty, had been a dised the speech by heart, he became so much tinguished debater in the House of Commons. dissatisfied with it, that he went in great dis We therefore hail with pleasure, though astress to the author. “I was delighted with suredly not with unmixed pleasure, the appear your speech the first time I read it; but I liked ance of this work. That a young politician

should, in the intervals afforded by his parlia

mentary avocations, have constructed and pro* The State in its relations with the Church. Di W. E pounded, with much study and mental toil, an GLADSTONE, Esq., Student of Christchurch, and M. P. for Newark 8vo. Second Edition. London. 1839. . original theory on a great problem in politics,

ear.

is a circumstance which, abstracted from all signs of much patient thought. It is written consideration of the soundness or unsoundness throughout with excellent taste and excellent of his opinions, must be considered as highly temper; nor is it, so far as we have observed, creditable to him. We certainly cannot wish disfigured by one expression unworthy of a that Mr. Gladstone's doctrines may become gentleman, a scholar, or a Christian. But the fashionable among public men. But we hearti- doctrines which are put forth in it appear to ly wish that his laudable desire to penetrate us, after full and calm consideration, to be beneath the surface of questions, and to arrive, false; to be in the highest degree pernicious; by long and intent meditation, at the knowledge to be such as, if followed out in practice to of great general laws, were much more fashion- their legitimate consequences, would inevitaable than we at all expect it to become. bly produce the dissolution of society; and for

Mr. Gladstone seems to us to be, in many this opinion we shall proceed to give our rearespects, exceedingly well qualified for philo- sons with that freedom which the importance sophical investigation. His mind is of large of the subject requires, and which Mr. Glad. grasp; nor is he deficient in dialectical skill. stone both by precept and by example invites us But he does not give his intellect fair play. to use, but, we hope, without rudeness, and, we There is no want of light, but a great want are sure, without malevolence. of what Bacon would have called dry light. Before we enter on an examination of this Whatever Mr. Gladstone sees is refracted and theory, we wish to guard ourselves against distorted by a false medium of passions and one misconception. It is possible that some prejudices. His style bears a remarkable ana- persons who have read Mr. Gladstone's book logy to his mode of thinking, and indeed exer- carelessly, and others who have merely heard cises great influence on his mode of thinking. in conversation or seen in a newspaper that His rhetoric, though often good of its kind, the member for Newark has written in defence darkens and perplexes the logic which it should of the Church of England against the supportillustrate. Half his acuteness and diligence, ers of the Voluntary System, may imagine that with a barren imagination and a scanty voca- we are writing in defence of the Voluntary Sys. bulary, would have saved him from almost all tem, and thai we desire the abolition of the his mistakes. He has one gift most dangerous Established Church. This is not the case. It to a speculator,--a vast command of a kind would be as unjust to accuse us of attacking of language, grave and majestic, but of vague the Church because we attack Mr. Gladstone's and uncertain import,--of a kind of language doctrines, as it would be to accuse Locke of which affects us much in the same way in wishing for anarchy because he refuted Filwhich the lofty diction of the chorus of Clouds mer's patriarchal theory of government; or to affected the simple-hearted Athenian.

accuse Blackstone of recommending the conω γη του φθεγματος, ως ιερον, και σεμνον, και τερατωδες. denied that the right of the rector to tithe was

fiscation of ecclesiastical property because he When propositions have been established, derived from the Levitical law. It is to be and nothing remains but to amplify and deco- observed that Mr. Gladstone rests his case on rate them, this dim magnificence may be in entirely new grounds, and does not differ more place. But if it is admitted into a demonstra- widely from us than from some of those who iion, it is very much worse than absolute non- have hitherto been considered as the most sense ;--just as that transparent haze through illustrious champions of the Church. He is which the sailor sees capes and mountains of not content with the “Ecclesiastical Polity," false sizes and in false bearings, is more dan- and rejoices that the latter part of that celegerous than utter darkness. Now, Mr. Glad brated work "does not carry with it the weight stone is fond of employing the phraseology of of Hooker's plenary authority.” He is not which we speak in those parts of his work content with Bishop Warburton's “ Alliance of which require the utmost perspicuity and pre- Church and State.' “The propositions of that cision of which human language is capable, work generally," he says, “are to be received and in this way he deludes first himself, and with qualification;" and he agrees with Bolingthen his readers. The foundations of his broke in thinking that Warburton's whole the. theory, which ought to be buttresses of ada- ory rests upon a fiction. He is still less satis. mani, are made out of the flimsy materials fied with Paley's “Defence of the Church," which are fit only for perorations. This fault which he pronounces to be “ tainted by the is one which no subsequent care or industry original vice of false ethical principles,” and can correct. The more strictly Mr. Gladstone “full of the seeds of evil.” He conceives that reasons on his premises, the more absurd are Dr. Chalmers has taken a partial view of the the conclusions which he brings out; and subject, and “put forth much questionable matwhen at last his good sense and good nature ter.” In truth, on almost every point on which recoil from the horrible practical inferences to we are opposed to Mr. Gladstone, we have on which his theory leads, he is reduced some our side the authority of some divine, eminent times to take refuge in arguments inconsistent as a defender of existing establishments. with his fundamental doctrines; and some Mr. Gladstone's whole theory rests on this times to escape from the legitimate conse- great fundamental proposition—that the Proquences of his false principles under cover pagation of Religious Truth is one of the prinof equally false history.

cipal ends of government, as government. If It would be unjust not to say that this book, Mr. Gladstone has not proved this proposition, though not a good book, shows more talent his system vanishes at once. than many good books. It contains some elo We are desirous, before we enter on the dis quent and ingenious passages. It bears the cussion of this important qui stion, to point out

clearly a distinction which, though very obvi-/ limited to this short life and to this visible cus, seems to be overlooked by many excel- world. He finds himself surrounded by the lent people. In their opinion, to say that the signs of a power and wisdom higher than his ends of government are temporal and not spi- own; and, in all ages and nations, men of all ritual, is tantamount to saying that the tempo- orders of intellect, from Bacon and Newton ral welfare of man is of more importance than down to the rudest tribes of cannibals, have his spiritual welfare. But this is an entire believed in the existence of some superior mistake. The question is not whether spiritual mind. Thus far the voice of mankind is al. interests be or be not superior in importance most unanimous. But whether there be one to temporal interests, but whether the machi-God or many-what may be his natural and nery which happens at any moment to be em- what his moral attributes--in what relation ployed for the purpose of protecting certain his creatures stand to him—whether he have iemporal interests of a society, be necessarily ever disclosed himself to us by any other revesuch a machinery as is fitted to promote the lation than that which is written in all the spiritual interests of that society. It is certain parts of the glorious and well-ordered world that without a division of duties the world which he has made-whether his revelation could not go on. It is of very much more im- be contained in any permanent record--how portance that men should have food than that that record should be interpreted, and whether ihey should have pianofortes. Yet it by no it have pleased him to appoint any unerring mcans follows that every pianoforte-maker interpreter on earth—these are questions reought to add the business of a baker to his specting which there exists the widest diver. own; for if he did so, we should have both much sity of opinion, and respecting which the great worse music and much worse bread. It is of majority of our race has, ever since the dawn much more importance that the knowledge of regular history, been deplorabiy in error. of religious truth should be widely diffused Now here are two great objects :-One is the than that the art of sculpture should flourish protection of the persons and estates of citiamong us. Yet it by no means follows that zens from injury; the other is the propagation the Royal Academy ought to unite with its pre- of religious truth. No two objects more ensent functions those of the Society for promot- tirely distinct can well be imagined. The ing Christian Knowledge, to distribute theolo- former belongs wholly to the visible and tangi. gical tracts, to send forth missionaries, to turn ble world in which we live; the latter belongs out Nollekens for being a Catholic, Bacon for to that higher world which is beyond the reach being a Methodist, and Flaxman for being a of our senses. The former belongs to this Swedenborgian. For the effect of such folly life; the latter to that which is to come. Men would be that we should have the worst possi- who are perfectly agreed as to the importance ble Academy of Arts, and the worst possible of the former object, and as to the way of atSociety for the Promotion of Christian Know- taining it, differ as widely as possible respectledge. The community, it is plain, would be ing the latter object. We must therefore pause thrown into universal confusion, if it were before we admit that the persons, be they whc supposed to be the duty of every association they may, who are intrusted with power for which is formed for one good object to pro- the promotion of the former object, ought almote every other good object.

ways to use that power for the promotion of As to some of the ends of civil goverument, the latter object. all people are agreed. That it is designed to Mr. Gladstone conceives that the duties of protect our persons and our property,--that it governments are paternal;-a doctrine which is designed to compel us to satisfy our wants, we will not believe till he can show us some not by rapine, but by industry,—that it is de government which loves its subjects as a fasigned to compel us to decide our differences, ther loves a child, and which is as superior in not by the strong hand, but by arbitration, intelligence to its subjects as a father is supe. that it is designed to direct our whole force, as rior to a child. He tells us, in lofty, though that of one man, against any other society somewhat indistinct language, that “Governwhich may offer us injury,—these are propo-ment occupies in moral the place of t. Tu in sitions which will hardly be disputed. physical science.” If government be indeed

Now these are matters in which man, with-Tomu in moral science, we do not understand out any reference to any higher being or to why rulers should not assume all the functions any future state, is very deeply interested. which Plato assigned to them. Why should Every man, be he idolater, Mohammedan, Jew, they not take away the child from the mother, Papist, Socinian, Deist, or Atheist, naturally select the nurse, regulate the school, overlook loves life, shrinks from pain, desires those the play-ground, fix the hours of labour and of comforts which can be cajoyed only in com- recreation, prescribe what ballads shall be inunities where property is secure. To be sung, what tunes shall be played, what books murdered, to be tortured, to be robbed, to be shall be read, what physic shall be swallowed! sold into slavery, to be exposed to the outrages —why should not they choose our wives, limit. of gangs of foreign bandiiti calling themselves our expenses, and stint us to a certain number patriots-these are evidently evils from which of dishes, of glasses of wine, and of cups of inen of every religion and men of no religion tea ? Plato, whose hardihood in speculation wish to be protected; and therefore it will was perhaps more wonderful than any olner hardly be disputed that men of every religion peculiarity of his extraordinary mind, and who and of no religion have thus far a common shrank from nothing to which his principles interest in being well governed.

led, went this whole length. Mr. Gladicae is But the hopes and fears of man are not I not so intrepid. He contents himself w.ch lay.

ing down this proposition that, whatever be! can only be secured for right uses by applying the body which in any community is employed to them a religion.” to protect the persons and property of men, that body ought also, in its corporate capacity, Here are propositions of vast and indefinite to profess a religion, to employ its power for extent, conveyed in language which has a cer. the propagation of that religion, and to require tain obscure dignity and sanctity,--attractive, conformity to that religion, as an indispensable we doubt not, to many minds. But the moqualification for all civil office. He distinctly ment that we examine these propositions declares that he does not in this proposition closely,--the moment that we bring them to confine his view to orthodox governments, the test by running over but a very few of the even to Christian governments. The circum- particulars which are included in them, we stance that a religion is false does not, he tells find them to be false and extravagant. This us, diminish the obligation of governors, as doctrine which “must surely command unisuch, to uphold it. If they neglect to do so, versal assent” is, that every association of

we cannot,” he says, “but regard the fact as human beings, which exercises any power aggravating the case of the holders of such whatever,—that is to say, every association creed.” “I do not scruple to affirm,” he adds, of human beings,-is bound, as such associa. " that if a Mohammedan conscientiously be- tion, to profess a religion. Imagine the effect hieves his religion to come from God, and to which would follow if this principle were teach divine truth, he must believe that truth to really in force during four-and-twenty hours. be beneficial, and beneficial beyond all other Take one instance out of a million :-A stagethings to the soul of man; and he must, there- coach company has power over its horses. fore, and ought to desire its extension, and to This power is the property of God. It is used use for its extension all proper and legitimate according to the will of God when it is used means; and that, if such Mohammedan be a with mercy. But the principle of mercy can prince, he ought to count among those means never be truly or permanently entertained in the application of whatever influence or funds the human breast without continual reference he may lawfully have at his disposal for such to God. The powers, therefore, that dwell in purposes."

individuals acting as a stage-coach company, Surely this is a hard saying. Before we ad- can only be secured for right uscs by applying mit that the Emperor Julian, in employing his to them a religion. Every stage-coach cnmpower for the extinction of Christianity, was pany ought, therefore, in its collective capacity, doing no more than his duty-before we admit to profess some one faith-to have its articles, that the Arian, Theodoric, would have com- and its public worship, and its tests. That this niitted a crime if he had suffered a single be- conclusion, and an infinite number of conclu. liever in the divinity of Christ to hold any civil sions equally strange, follow of necessity from employment in Italy-before we admit that the Mr. Gladstone's principle, is as certain as it is Dutch government is bound to exclude from that two and two make four. And if the legiti. office all members of the Church of England; mate conclusions be so absurd, there must be the King of Bavaria to exclude from office all something unsound in the principle. Protestants; the Great Turk to exclude from We will quote another passage of the same office all Christians; the King of Ava to ex- sort :clude from office all who hold the unity of God-we think ourselves entitled to demand • Why, then, we now come to ask, should very full and accurate demonstration. When the governing body in a state profess a religion? the consequences of a doctrine are so startling, First, because it is composed of individual we may well require that its foundations shall men; and they, being appointed to act in a defibe very solid.

nite moral capacity, must sanctify their acts The following paragraph is a specimen of done in that capacity by the offices of religion; the arguments by which Mr. Gladstone has, as inasmuch as the acts cannot otherwise be ache conceives, established his great fundamen- ceptable to God, or any thing but sinful and tal proposition :

punishable in themselves. And whenever we

iurn our face away from God in our conduct, “We may state the same proposition in a we are living atheistically. . . . . . . In fulfilmore general form, in which it surely mustment, then, of his obligations as an individual, command universal assent. Wherever there the statesman must be a worshipping man. is power in the universe, that power is the But his acts are public—the powers and inproperty of God, the King of that universe- struments with which he works are publichis property of right, however for a time with acting under and by the authority of the law, holden or abused. Now this property is, as it he moves at his word ten thousand subject were, realized, is used according to the will of arms; and because such energies are thus es. the owner, when it is used for the purposes he sentially public, and wholly out of the range has ordained, and in the temper of mercy, jus- of mere individual agency, they must be sanctice, truth, and faith, which he has taught us. tified not only by the private personal prayers But those principles never can be traly, never and piety of those who fill public situations, can be permanently, entertained in the human but also by public acts of the men composing breast, except by a continual reference to their the public body. They must offer prayer and source, and the supply of the divine grace. praise in their public and collective character The powers, therefore, that dwell in individu-l –in that character wherein they constitute the als acting as a government, as well as those organ of the nation, and wield its collected that dwell in individuals acting for themselves, force. Whenever there is a reasoning agency

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