Root sau: no soi-siu avertis, do-soi convertit, co ru thôi con vertitur, do-soat convertunt, pass. imme-soither quo convertitur (Ml. 61a) III.; tintúuth (do-ind-south) interpretatio, translation.

Root (p)ent: con état assequuntur, pass. ni étar non invenitur; do-éit, téit, it, adit, imperat. sg. 3 taet toet (for taeted, cf. § 64), he shall go, come, pl. 2 táit (for taitid) come, pret. (or perf.?) dotháet, tothóet; fris-tait (for -taitet) they go against, fut. § 287; tuitim I fall (do-fo-do-étim, § 54), fut. § 287.

Root enc: ticim (for do-icim) I come, ricim (for ro-icim) I reach, con-icim I am able, fut. § 287, 284, perf. § 299.

The

265. The letter t is joined immediately to the root. plural in the 1st and 3rd person has a deponent flexion (cf. the perfect § 290). Paradigm: as-biur dico.

266. In the same way the following verbs of the I. Conjugation the radical syllable of which terminates in r, l, c, g, or a vowel, form their preterite.

Isolated preterites of this species are further: atbath mortuus est; siacht, ro-siact, riacht pervenit.

267. The u in the 1 sg. is not always evident: dorét defendi (pres. doemim), conaitecht quaesivi; and in 2 sg. the i is not always evident: comtacht-su quaesisti; in the 3 sg. in Middle Irish, forms in i are also found: birt gave birth to, atrubairt. In the plural forms the a in the radical syllable is not regularly employed: asbertatar dixerunt; in the 3 pl. an active flexion also now and then occurs ad-ro-bartat obtulerant, geltat pasti sunt, conaitechtat quaesierunt.

268. In the later language the T-preterite passes into the flexion of the S-preterite: sg. 1 tormaltus consumpsi, 2 do-r-argertais-sui promisisti (tairngire promise, for do-air-con-gaire), pl. 3 atbertsat dixerunt: Modern Irish dubhras dixi; ro geltsat they fed; atbathsat they died (Old Irish atbathatar); altsat they educated.

269. The S-preterite, like the B-future (§ 282), is chiefly found in verbs of the II. and III. Conjugations. The denominative verbs are limited to this preterite. The letter s is joined to the present-stem.

270. For caris frequently carais is found, and in the

same way scarais secessit and so on; for dollécius often dollécus, and so also imrordus for im-ro-radius cogitavi.

271. Among verbs of the I. Conjugation in Old Irish ro gabus cepi, present gabim ought to be mentioned here. In Middle Irish, and in the later language, the S-preterite is a common form in many other verbs of the I. Conjugation. As to the formation of the T-preterite and of the perfect on the analogy of the S-preterite see § 268 and § 303.

272. The 3rd sg. present which has become preterite by the prefixing of ro must be distinguished from the 3rd sg. of the conjunctive flexion: preterite ro-chreit, pres. ro chreti credidit, ro rigi he stretched out.

273. The preterite of do-gníu facio exhibits irregular appearances: sg. 1 dorignius, 2 dorignis, 3 dorigni, dorigéni, dorigenai, pl. 1 dorigénsam, 2 dorigénsid, 3 dorigénsat. (Cf. § 312.)

274. In the 3 sg. a deponent flexion is often found: ro charastar instead of ro char, ro suidigestar instead of ro suidig, posuit.

8 and 9.

REDUPLICATED FUTURE WITH CONDITIONAL.

275. The radical syllable is (a) retained, (b) after thrusting out of its vowel, contracted with the syllable of reduplication to one syllable with é (§ 75). This form of future is followed in Old Irish especially by those verbs, the radical syllable of which has a terminal sound in r, l, m or n (cf. the S-future § 285). Paradigms: of (a) canim Latin cano, for-chun I teach (perf. cechan § 290); of (b) berimm I bear, do-biur I give (pret. burt § 265).

276. Forms with (a) retained radical syllable and reduplication:

ni didemam non patiemur, fudidmat patientur, perf. dep. damar, pres. fo-daimim I;

gignid nascetur, perf. dep. génar, pres. dep. gnaither gignitur III (§ 336);

gegna I shall kill, perf. gegon, pres. gonaim I;

no gigius rogabo, pl. 2 gigeste, ro gigsed petierit, imperat. ni gessid nolite precari;

adcichitis they would see, perf. acca, pres. adchíu III;

dogega eliget, perf. doróigu elegit, pres. togaim (root gus) I; asririu impendam, perf. asrir, pres. asrenim I;

lilit adhaerebunt, perf. lil, pres. lenim I;

no giuglad adhaereret, perf. ro giuil, pres. glenim I; fo-chichur I shall throw, fut. sec. sg. 3 fochichred with r for rr from rd, if it belongs to focheird he throws (§ 295), with which it stands together L. U. p. 70, 4.

To which a reduplicated S-future (§ 288) may be added.

277. As (b) dobér, béra are formed:

méraid manebit, pres. marim I;

frisgéra respondebit, pret. frisgart, pres. sg. 3 frisgair I; scérmait discedemus, pret. sg. 3 scarais, pret. scarim II; conscéra destruet, pres. coscraim II;

atbéla morietur, pret. atrubalt, pres. sg. 3 atbail I; ebela educabit, perf. sg. 3 ebail, pres. eblim;

nad cél quod non celabo, pret. ro chelt, pres. celim I; toméla consumet, pret. dorumalt, pres. tomlim I;

dogén, digéon faciam, pret. dorignius, pres. dogníu III;

etir-genat experituri sunt, pres. itar-gninim sapio prudentia; cossénat contendent, pres. cosnaim;

du-em-sa protegam, duéma vindicabit, pret. dorét velavit; fodéma patietur beside fodidmat patientur, perf. damar, pret. dét, pres. fodaimim I;

nod lemad who would dare it, pres. dep. ru-laimur audeo III; gébas qui capiet, pret. ro gabus, pres. gabim I.

278. The flexion of this future recalls the conjunctive of the present. The 1 sg. of the conjoined flexion has not this conjunctive type, e.g. forcechun (formed as in the indic. present dobiur, dobur); asririu impendam deviates also in the 3 sg. asriri appendat (cf. § 210).

279. By its flexion, the future without reduplication doreg, raga, veniam, belongs to this formation:

The oldest form is that with e in the radical syllable; instead of it may be found i or a, the latter under the influence of the conjunctive a of this form. If it is found occasionally written doréga, rigad (with a long vowel), this is a leaning towards dobéra.

280. The formation mentioned under (a) disappears in the progress of time. Old Irish even displays fodéma beside fodidma patietur, géna beside gegna I shall kill; forchanub (B-future § 282) beside for-cechun docebo. Also addition of the character of the B-future can in isolated cases be proved: ririub for Old Irish ririu vendam; con cechlafat audient with the fut. dep. ro-chechladar § 346. So also under form (b) the Old Irish berat feram gives origin to Modern Irish béarfad.