Kotzebue; knock at the cemetery of the Bourbons; providentially I have not to refer to your own mur. dered cabinet: you will find there how much easier it is to desolate than to create; how possible it is to ruin; how almost impracticable to restore.

Even in a neighbouring county in your own island, look at the enormous temptation which has been offered in vain to its impoverished peasantry to induce them-to what? Why merely to surrender a murder. ous assassin well known to have been one of a numerous association. Do you think such principles are natural to our people? Do you not think they are the result of system? Which do you believe that such a sickening coincidence both at home and abroad is miraculous or premeditated? Sir, there is but one solution. You may depend upon it, the gulf is not yet closed whence the dreadful doctrines of treason, and assassination, and infidelity have issued. Men's minds are still feverish and delirious, and whether they nickname the fever illumination in Germany, liberality in France, radicalism in England, or by some more vulgar and unmeaning epithet at home, they are all children of the same parent; all so many common and convulsive indications of the internal vitality of the revolutionary volcano. Sir, I am not now to learn that those opinions are unpalatable to certain ultra patriots of the hour. I declared them before, and I now reiterate them still more emphatically, because they have expressed a very imprudent surprise that such opinions should proceed from me. Sir, if they mean to insinuate that I ever approved the practice or professed the principles of their infamous fraternity, they insinuate a base, slanderous, and

malignant falshood. I hold it to be the bounden duty of every honest man who ever pronounced a liberal opinion, to come forward and declare his abhorrence of such doctrines. What! because I am liberal, must I become rebellious? because I am tolerant, must I renounce my creed? They have mistaken me very much. Though I would approve of any rational, practicable reform; though I would go very far upon the road of liberality, 1 would not move for either, no, not one single inch, unless loyalty religion were to bear me company. I know not what they mean by their " "Radical Reform," unless they mean to uproot the Throne, the Altar, and the State. I do not believe their chimera of annual parliaments and universal suffrage. I prefer a legislature comprising the wealth, the talent, and the education of the realm, to a radical directory of shoe. less coblers, and shopless apothecaries. I fly for protection to my king, and for consolation to my God, from the lawless, creedless, murderous, blasphemous banditti, who postpone them both to the putrid carcase of an outlawed infidel. Denounce me if you choose. I would sooner die to-morrow beneath the dagger of your hate, than live in the infectious leprosy of your friendship. My fellow-countrymen, it is high time to pause. Our very virtues by excess, may become vices. Let us aid the aggrieved, but let us not abet the assassin; let us tolerate the sectarian, not countenance the infidel; let us promulgate, if we can, an universal good, without shaking the basis of our social system, or the blessed foundation of our eternal hope. My own sentiments, as to the most limited toleration of all sects of Christians, you are not now, for the first time, to be

made acquainted with. I know that many good men, and many much abler men, dissent from me; and while I give them full credit on the score of sincerity, I only seek the same concession for myself. I would open the gates of constitutional preferment to all my fellowsubjects of every religious creed, wide as I expand to them the affections of my own heart. It is in my mind but fair, that he who protects a state should receive a reciprocity of privileges; that no man should be made familiar with its burthens, and at the same time be told he must remain a stranger to its benefits. This is an humble but conscientious opinion, given freely but not servilely-seeking to make others free, I will not submit to become a slave myself, or compromise one particle of selfrespect. Nay, more, Sir, though I would give, and give voluntarily, every liberal enfranchisement, I would not withdraw one prop-I would not deface even one useless ornament on the porch of the constitution; it has been founded by wisdom, defended by valour, consecrated by years, and cemented by the purest blood of patriotism: at every step beneath its sacred dome, we meet some holy relic, some sublime memorial; the tombs of the heroes, and sages, and martyrs of our history! the graves of the Russels and the Sydneys; the statues of the Hardwicks and the Hales; the sainted relics of departed piety; the table of the laws to which king and people are alike responsible; the eternal altar on whose divine commandments all those laws are founded; sublime, hallowed, invaluable treasures! unimpaired and imperishable be the temple that protects them! In the fullness of my heart I say to it, "Esto perpetua," may no political Marius ever rest

upon its ruins. Sir, in reference to the congratulatory part of your address, I cannot wish the august personage to whom it refers a more auspicious wish than that he may follow implicitly the footsteps of his father.These ways are 66 ways of pleasantness," these paths are" paths of peace." I hope his reign may be as happy as his Regency has been victorious, and that in the plenitude of power he will remember the country forgot not him when that power was very distant. These are not times, however, to be either too exigent or too unreasonable; the atheist meets us in our noon day walk; the assassin waits not for the night's concealment; all ranks, and sects, and parties should unite; all that is sacred in the eye of every christian, dear to every parent, and valuable to every man, is menaced with annihilation; every cause of difference, whether real or imaginary, should be now suspended, until the national shout of "fear God, honour the king," drowns the warwhoop of impiety and treason; if we are to live, my countrymen, let us live in the security of laws; if we are to die, let us die in the consolations of religion.

T2

SPEECH

OF

MR. PHILLIPS

DELIVERED AT

THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN AUXILIARY BIBLE SOCIETY,

LONDON.

ALTHOUGH I have not had the honour either of proposing or seconding any of your Resolutions, still, as a native of that country so pointedly alluded to in your report, I hope I may be indulged in a few observations. The crisis in which we are placed is, I hope, a suffi. cient apology in itself for any intrusion; but I find such apology is rendered more than unnecessary by the courtesy of this reception. Indeed, my Lord, when we see omens which are every day arising-when we see blasphemy openly avowed-when we see the Scriptures audaciously ridiculed-when in this Christian Monarchy the den of the republican and the deist yawns for the unwary in your most public thoroughfareswhen marts are ostentatiously opened, where the moral poison may be purchased, whose subtle venom enters