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Educated in distant camps, they know no other country; and, habituated by long devotion to the trade of war, it has become their element and their passion. Their whole fortune is staked on the sword ; and their attachment is therefore necessarily se€ured, under the auspicious influence of a leader, whose indefatigable ambition occupies them in their favourite pursuits, and whose liberal impartiality feeds the hope of preferment, and divides the fruits of conquest. To their credit and example is due much of that spirit, which, notwithstanding the causes of alienation heretofore detailed, seems to animate the whole frame of the army; and no small share of that portentous success which has attended the course of the French arms. Of the eighteen Marechaux d'Empire, fourteen have either emerged from the ranks, or ascended from the lowest employments. * Most of the generals of division, and others who hold the principal commands, liave the same origin, and sufficiently prove that war is an expe

rimental

* Bessieres, originally a common soldier, became in 1796 a captain of infantry in the army of Italy.---Brune, a printer at the commencement of the revolution, a member of the club of Cordeliers, and an intimate friend of Danton, commenced his military career in 1793.

Augereau, a private in the Neapolitan service in 1787, became soon after a fencing-master at Naples ; in 1792 entered as a volunteer in the army of Italy; and in 1794 was a general of brigade in the army of the Pyrennees.---Bernadotte, at the commencement of the revolu. tion, a serieant in the regiment de Royal Marine ; in 1794 a general of division.--Jourdan enlisted in 1778, but left the service in 1784 ; was a shopkeeper at the commencement of the revolution.Keller. man began his career as a simple hussar in the regiment of Conflars.Lasnes, originally a common soldier, became, in 1795, adjutant of division in the national guard of Paris.--Massena, a subaltern in the Sardinian service at the beginning of the revolution, in 1793 be. came a general of brigade.--Mortier, a captain of a volunteer company in his native province at the same period.--Ney; an hussar, an adjutant-general in 1790, after passing through all the inferior grades. --Lefebre, son of a miller of Alsace, became a serjeant in the regiment of French guards before the revolution.-Perignon, after acting as a justice of peace at Montesch, engaged in the army, and passed rapidly through all the subordinate grades, and, in 1794, commanded the army of the Eastern Pyrennees.-Soult was a subaltern before the revolution, in a regiment of infantry, and an adjutant-general in 1795.--- Murat served originally in the constitutional guard of Louis XVI. ; became afterwards an officer in the 19th regiment of chasseurs à cheval, &c.Junot began his career, in 1792, as a grenadier in one of the volunteer battalions commanded by General Pille; and, in 1796, was one of the aids-de-camp of Bonaparte.

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versally understood to depend, in practice, altogether on his .nomination. The princes of the blood, and the great dignitaries of the state, are officially members of the Senate; and to this body, the generals of division, detached from the foreign service, are regularly associated, so as to give them almost a numerical preponderance. * The civil functionaries of every class, have not only dishonoured the republican character by a shameless apostasy, but prostitute the dignity of human nature itself, by assuming the trade of spies and informers. In all their discourses and writings, they inculcate the speculative doctrine of oppression, with as much zeal as their oppressors propagate by conquest its practical horrors. The mere wantonness of despotism could never exact, nor could the most inordinate vanity relish, a strain of adulation which would disgrace the worst periods of Roman degeneracy. We may fairly conclude, that the tyrant, who is known to require this tribute on all occasions, has it in view, not only to complete his savage triumph over the patriotism of France, but to bring the cause of freedom itself into general contempt, by exhibiting the base servility of those who so lately undertook to vindicate the liberties of mankind. + There are, no doubt, as we have before affirmed, numbers who still cherish a preference for republican institutions; many who officiously promote the measures, in order to heighten the odium of the government; and a few who submit, with evident repugnance, to lend their personal weight to the consolidation of the new system. The first, however, will make no sacrifices of interest to principle; and the last can have little influence, when opposed to a majority, who have fortified their native dispositions by the habit of obse

quiousness.

* The meetings of the Senate are always private. Strangers may be admitted to those of the Legislative Body. The latter was not once assembled during the whole of the last campaign in the North, the members not being perfectly sure. By the constitution, the judges --were chosen for life; but, by a senatus consultum of 12th October, -1807, it was enacted, that they should thereafter undergo a probation of five years, and be then continued or dismissed at the option of the Emperor. A commission was also created for the purpose of instituting an inquiry into the conduct of the judges in being, in order that the Emperor might remove such as were pronounced unfit for their stations. In all political cases, and all cases of alleged fraud and evasion, the trial by jury has been superseded by special tribunals ; one of which is now established in each department, consisting of three judges appointed by the Emperor.

+ This feeling has been displayed strikingly in the bulletins from Spain, on the subject of the leading patriots of that country.

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quiousness. The fabric of a free state can never be reared by such hands, nor framed from such materials, as the populace of Paris, or the soldiery of the frontiers. Should the imperial seat be vacated within a short period of time, the Legislative Assemblies might, like the Roman Senate, in their contest with Maxi. min, maintain a struggle with some firmness and vigour, but with no permanent means, and scarcely with the benefit of obtaining a choice of masters.

When we meditate upon the probable career of an army of 700,000 men, † greater than any which Rome ever maintained in the meridian of her power, and imbued with such moral and physical energies, our apprehensions for France vanish before the melancholy forebodings we are compelled to entertain for the nations of the Continent. A nation of soldiers must be occupied. Plunder is their food, and will be sought wherever it is to be found. A people at war from principle, says Montesquieu, muss necessarily triumph, or be ruined. They will labour in their vocation, and never make peace but as conquerors. Such a temperament, as we have ascribed to the chiefs and instruments of this conspiracy against mankind, is essentially at war with all the moral virtues and generous principles of our naiure, with the gentle charities, as well as with the hoarded treasures of peace.

· † Infantry of the line, 341,412 ; light infantry, 100,130; cavalry, 77,488; artillery, 46,489; engineers, 5,445 ; a total of five hun. dred and fifty thousand sine hundred and sixty-four. This is the official statement of 1805. Since that period, there has been an augmentation of at least one hundred thousand, exclusive of the foreign troops, Italian, Bavarian, &c. taken into the service. Gibbon remarks, that, in his time, France still felt the efforts which she had made in the reign of Louis the Fourteenth! According to Neckar's estimate, the expenses of the war-department, before the Revolution, were 124,650,000 francs. In 1805, they were stated at 271,500,000 francs. M. de Pommeller estimated the population of France at 25,065,883, in 1789. Peuchet now rates it at 34,976,313, exclusive of Tuscany. The ratio of this population to the territory, is 1.093, individuals to the square league ;—a condensation inferior to none but that of Holland. The annual levies before the Revolution, were stated at · one seventeenth of the bachelors capable of bearing arms-estimat

ed by M. de Pommeller at 600,000 ; but the actual proportion of the · yearly levies, at a very low calculation, may be one seventieth of the · whole male population between 20 and 40. Peuchet estimates this body at 7,612,690, for 1805; and allows that sixty thousand have been annually recruited since the commencement of the Revolution ; but the real number must be more than double. The Directory called forth 200,000 at once, in the year 1799.

· The time, perhaps, is fast approaching, when these new pacificators will embrace the whole Continent in what they term their system of federation and alliance.' The powers already comprehended in it will, like the allies of Rome, soon seek, in avowed subordination, an alleviation of the miseries studiously attached to their nominal independence. Their incorporation will, however, have another character, and other effects ;

not of a submission, assuaged by the hope of repose and of protection, but of a real deditio, an unconditional surrender of all that ennobles and sweetens existence-to a power, with all the rapacity which stimulated, without the moderation that tempered, the conquests of Rome,—with the vices of her decline and the fierceness of her infancy,—with her insolent carriage without her healing arts. The genius of this dominion will be as different from that of the Antonines, as the character of the new Emperor is opposite to that of Trajan, to whom, it is now, among his subjects, the fashion to compare him. * In this individual, although we may admire the qualities of a consummate general and of a profound politician, we can never discover the majes· tic form of a mighty monarch,' but rather trace the mixed image of a Tiberius and an Attila ;--the gloomy, suspicious temper,the impetuous rage,---the jealous alarms of the domestic tyrant,and the immeasurable ambition, the savage manners, the stern cruelty of the barbarian, who ostentatiously proclaimed himself

the Scourge of God.'t Secure of impunity and careless of censure, he has at last discarded the common prevarications of tyranny, and now rests his pretensions on the avowed power of the sword. He has already burst asunder the ties that bound Europe up in one social commonwealth, and stifled even the last sighs of freedom wherever his influence has been extended. There is not, at this moment, throughout the whole Continent, a press exempt from the supervision of his police, nor an asylum in which an obnoxious individual could find safety. When Cicero complains to Marcellus of the unbounded sway of Cæsar, he consoles himself that there is still security in silence, although the privilege of complaint may be denied. Those who are immediately sub

ject

· * The most splendid of the exhibitions of the grand opera, is en· titled " The Triumphs of Trajan ;' in allusion to the late victories.

Arnault, one of the oldest, and formerly one of the most respecti abie members of the Institute, has recently produced a comedy, en

titled The Return of Trajan,' in compliment to the Emperor. · + Compare one of the last proclamations in Spain issued by the

invader, with the list of titles claimed by Attila, and the bulletins of the Gothic conqueror to the Roman Senate, as recorded by Gibbon.

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