of the plan to put down the Commander in Chief, and to bring up in his room some one, who, holding from the faction, would be better disposed to support their projects; and that agents were already employed with the army to accomplish these purposes. Nor did the writer stop here; he went on to indicate the authors of the plan, and pointed distinctly at Robert and Governeur Morris, and Alexander Hamilton.*

This communication, though highly improbable in itself, though entirely unsupported by any auxiliary testimony from the seat of government, and though utterly unfounded in the facts it assumed, made a strong impression on the mind of Washington, and excited in that good and great man, a momentary alarm for himself and his country. Under its impulse, he identified the address with the machinations of his enemies; ascribed it to the pen of one or more of the imaginary triumvirate, and denounced it as the first step in the progress and developement of a deep and dangerous conspiracy. When on the 15th of March, 1783, the army had assembled under the general order of the 11th, this extraordinary letter

* Neither Colonel Hamilton, nor Governeur Morris, so far as our information extends, took any notice of these slanders; but the reader will not be displeased to see the manner in which they were rebuked by Robert Morris, in a letter of the 29th May, 1788, to General Washington. "By some designing men, my resignation of office (grounded on a conviction, that unless something were done to support public credit, very pernicious consequences would follow) was misconstrued. It was represented as a factious desire to raise civil commotion. It was said, that the army were to be employed as the instruments to promote flagitious and interested views, and these [suspicions] found admittance to minds that should have been for ever shut against them. We now rest on the event to show, whether a sincere regard to public justice and public interest, or a sinister respect to my own private emolument, were the influential motives to my conduct. I am a very mistaken man, if time and experience shall not demonstrate, that the interests of the army and of public creditors are given up. But I mention these things only to you, and in confidence; for it shall not again be supposed, that I am the leader of sedition." And again he says, "Having done what was in my power, to establish those plans which appeared necessary for doing justice to all, and affording relief to our army in particular, I have acquitted what was the first and greatest duty. When it appeared that other modes were to be pursued, I would gladly have departed in peace; but it has been thought that my further agency was necessary, to procure for the army that species of relief which they seemed to desire. The factious, designing mạn, who was to have lighted up the flames of mutiny and sedition, has undertaken a most arduous and perilous business-TO SAVE HIS COUNTRY

FROM THOSE CONVULSIONS WHICH HER NEGLIGENCE HAD HAZARDED.

This became a duty, when the first duty to justice was performed, and this shall be performed also."

was not merely referred to, but publicly produced and read, and commented on by the Commander in Chief, and, substantially, became the basis of the proceedings of that memorable day. We ask, then, how it has happened, that a document so important, and which alone furnishes a clue to the conduct and opinions of both the General and the Army, on that important occasion, should not have been mentioned by any chronicler of the times, or biographer of Washington? There is but one way of explaining this extraordinary silence; the letter must have escaped their research; for it is quite impossible that either its application or importance to American history, could have been overlooked by any careful and intelligent inquirer, or that, having been seen, the letter itself should, from any motive, have been suppressed-since it was the testimony publicly offered, that a conspiracy against the liberties of the country did exist. Was it destroyed by Washington himself, under a conviction of its errors and injusticeand did he thus put it out of the power of accident or of malice, to commit any new or additional injury with it? Such is our conjecture: in support of which several other circumstances concur, viz. the particular esteem and confidence with which he subsequently regarded those men, who, in this letter, were most pointed at-for instance, Robert Morris became his intimate friend and counsellor; Alexander Hamilton his confidential minister; Governeur Morris his ambassador to the French court; and what equally establishes our conjecture, the offer made by him of a high employment (not accepted) to the acknowledged author of these very addresses.*

Nor was this all: to repair the injury done to the motives of this writer, he took care to furnish him with an antidote against the poison contained in his own original opinions, (delivered to the army,) with regard to these very motives. This letter is a fine illustration of the foresight and justice of this great man, and is in the following words:

"Philadelphia, February 23d, 1797.

SIR, "Believing that there may be times and occasions, on which my opinion of the anonymous letters and their author,

*To these circumstances, and with the same view, we may add, that Timothy Pickering, (then quarter-master general, and, if we do not mistake, the only person who on the 15th of March opposed himself to the course recommended by Washington and adopted by the army,) became, at a subsequent period, his secretary of war.

VOL. I.

6

as delivered to the army in the year 1783, may be turned to some personal and malignant purpose, I do hereby declare, that I did not, at the time of writing my address, regard you as the author of the said letters; and further, that I have since had sufficient reason for believing, that the object of the author was just, honourable, and friendly to the country, though the means suggested by him were certainly liable to much misunderstanding and abuse.

"I am, sir, with great regard,

"Your most obedient servant,

"JOHN ARMSTRONG, ESQ."

"G. WASHINGTON.

With this important testimony* we close our narrative, and the review of the sketches together, adding only a summary of the conclusions at which we believe ourselves to have fairly arrived in examining this last branch of our subject.

1st. That the letters of Mr. Morris to General Greene, quoted by Mr. Johnson, furnish no sufficient evidence of the existence of any conspiracy against the liberties of the country: And,

2d. That the imputation (to Mr. Morris) of the authorship of the anonymous addresses to the officers of the army in 1783, is wholly unsupported by proof.

*If Mr. Johnson wishes any evidences of the genuineness of this document, and will signify the fact to the Editor of the U. S. Magazine, he will submit them to the inspection of Mr. Rufus King, member of the Senate of the United States.

ART. II. Observaciones sobre la Memoria del Senor Onis, relativa a la negociacion con los Estados-Unidos. 12mo. pp. 103. Imprenta de D. Miguel de Burgos. Madrid. 1822.

[The Memorial of Don Onis, on his negotiation with the United States, and on the several subjects of the population, the agriculture and manufactures, the commerce, the military force, national revenue, political system, and foreign relations of the American Republicwas published by him, at Madrid, from the same press of De Burgos, in 1820: and a translation of it was given by Dr. Watkins, in 152 pp. 8vo. at Baltimore, in 1821. We had been accustomed to meet with illiberality and calumny only from the English press -but the publication, in Spanish, of so much abuse, and prejudice, and animosity, as this Memoir contains against us, interspersed

with contradictory, and apparently unwilling acknowledgments, in our favour, was surprising, and must have had some political motives on the part of the Diplomatist, connected with the occasion. The objects to be effected must have embraced great difficulties, as the old Negotiator is obliged to make truth and falsehood alternately glance from his work, like the varying colours of a changeable silk. The observations, in reply to Don Onis, though printed (as above) in 1822, are dated at Madrid in 1820-and it must be gratifying to Americans to find, that in a foreign nation, on the very ground where our Government was so violently and freely assailed, its cause has been so ably and temperately defended. As they constitute an excellent criticism on the Memoir, so far as relates to our negotiations with Spain, and have not before been printed in the United States-we insert a translation of the whole of the Observations.]

A memoir on the negotiations between the United States and Spain, which were terminated by the treaty of the 22d February, 1819, with a statistical notice of the American republic, by Don Luis de Onis, who was his Majesty's minister plenipotentiary near that republic, and is now his ambassador at the court of Naples, will no doubt be sought for with avidity, and read with interest. The knowledge possessed in Spain, of the character, resources, and opinions of the government and people of the rising empire of the west, is limited in extent, and derived from doubtful sources-the partial or prejudiced accounts of American writers, and English travellers. The experience of Don Luis de Onis, his long residence in America, and the distinguished station he held, and holds, in the confidence of his own country, give value and currency to his opinions, and will make at least his own countrymen believe, without scruple or examination, the statements that he furnishes them. To a superficial observer it would appear, that no man could be better qualified for the task he has attempted to execute, than the author of this work: To those who examine more narrowly, and scrutinize with severity the capacity of an author for a given undertaking, it will be apparent that no one could be less calculated to execute it with fidelity. The negotiation in which Don Onis was lately the agent of his master, is too recent to be written or spoken of, least of all by the parties concerned in it, without a strong mixture of passion or of prejudice. No opinions are so correct as our own, no arguments so conclusive as those discovered or enforced by ourselves, no answers to the arguments of others so satisfactory as those furnished by our own pens. Such is the language of selflove-a passion which is not weakened by a diplomatic education, or destroyed by years of service in that career. Every thing contained in this memorial, that relates to the negotiation, must be taken with those few grains of allowance, and should not be admitted as undisputed truth, until it has been thoroughly investigated. Mr. Onis's capability to give a fair and accurate account of the statistics of the United States, of the genius and character of the government and the peo

ple-a sceptic might question. The numerous valuable and accurate documents, published under the authority of Congress, enable every man who chooses to seek them, to make himself master of the past and present statistical condition of that country: To speculate correctly upon what is to be the future, requires a depth of understanding, with a thorough knowledge of the springs and sources of wealth and population in that country, few even of its most enlightened citizens possess, and which no foreigner can well acquire. With the genius and character of twenty-two governments, (all differing from and yet bearing a general resemblance to each other,) and of ten millions of people scattered over such an extent of country, it is difficult to become well acquainted. Mr. Onis's ability to overcome such difficulties, may be estimated by the statement of a few facts:-He knows barely enough of the language of the country, to ask for his bread and wine; his time was spent in Philadelphia, and within twenty miles of it, at Bristol; add to this residence, a visit to New-York, and a sojournment of three winters in Washington; the necessary journeys from Philadelphia to that metropolis, and back;-and we have all his opportunities to become personally acquainted with those important subjects. It may be imagined, that the genius and character of a government, if not of a people, is best learned in the closet, and may be found in books; but more is necessary to the qualification of a man, who offers his opinions to others as oracular guides-and even that requires, as an indispensable auxiliary, a thorough knowledge of the language in which the constitution and laws are written.

That

That the distinguished author has served his king with fidelity and zeal, is neither questioned nor doubted. He deserves all praise, as the zealous and industrious representative of his government. he should have committed great errors in his work, will not be surprising to those who will reflect upon his situation and character; nor will it be wonderful, even to his Catholic Majesty's Ambassador at Naples, that his errors should be designated and exposed. It may be conjectured, that no one but a citizen of the country, whose character is assailed, would take the pains to perform this service, (so it should be called,) not to the United States only, but to Spain. To vindicate the character of one's country, is a sacred duty, but to Spain it will be beneficial to know the American government and people as they are, and not as they have been fallaciously represented by English and French writers, and lately by this Spanish author. It is not important who makes these remarks: he is not a Spaniard. This is not said proudly, for, since the revolution of March, to be called by that name is no longer a reproach, but a eulogy. He is an American; called here an anglo-American-a name that once belonged to the inhabitants of the present United States, but which was discarded, with other badges of servitude, in 1776. This annunciation is made, to warn those who read what is here written, to use the caution given to the readers of Don Onis's book, to examine scrupuJously the facts stated and the conclusions drawn, and not to admit