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proper for transporting cavalry. Both the fleet and the land forces were afterwards increased considerably. Thirty vessels carried the provisions and cooks, with masons, carpenters, and their several tools, the whole followed by 100 small vessels for the service, exclusive of merchant ships, of which there were great numbers. All this fleet had sailed together for Corcyra. Having met with but an indifferent reception from the people of Tarentum and Locris; they sailed with a favourable wind for Rhegium, where they made some stay. The Athenians were very urgent with the inhabitants of Rhegium to succour those of Lontium, who came originally from Chalcis, as well as themselves; but these answered that they were determined to stand neuter, and to undertake nothing but in concert with the rest of Italy. Here they debated on the manner in which it was necessary to carry on the war, and waited for the coming up of those ships that had been sent out to make discoveries of a proper place for landing, and to enquire whether the citizens of Egesta had got their money ready. Upon their return, they brought advice that they had but 30 talents in the treasury. This Nicias had foreseen, but no regard had been paid to his salutary counsels.

*He did not fail the instant this news was brought to expatiate on the counsel he had given in Athens: to show the wrong step they had taken in engaging in this war, and to amplify the fatal consequences which might be expected from it; in all which he acted very imprudently. It was extremely judicious in Nicias to oppose it in the beginning, and to set every engine at work, to crush if possible this ill-fated project. But as it was resolved, and he himself had accepted of the command, he ought not to be perpetually looking backward, nor to have repeated incessantly that this war had been undertaken in opposition to all the maxims of prudence, and by that means to cool the ardour of his two colleagues in the command, to dispirit the soldiers, and to blunt that edge of confidence and ardour, which assure the success of great enterprises. The Athenians on the contrary, ought to have advanced boldly towards the enemy, should have attacked them with vigour, and have spread an universal terror, by a sudden and unexpected descent.

But Nicias acted in a quite different manner. His opinion in the council of war was, that they should sail for Selinunta, which had been the first occasion of this expedition, and then, if the citizens of Egesta performed their promise, and gave a month's pay to the army, to proceed forward, or otherwise to oblige them to furnish provisions for the 60 galleys they had demanded, and continue in that road till they should have concluded a peace with the citizens of Selinunta, either by force of arms, or some other way. He said, that they afterwards should return to Athens, after having thus made a parade of their forces, and the assistance they gave their allies, unless they should have an opportunity of making some attempt in favour of the Leontines, or of bringing over some city into their alliance. Alcibiades answered, that it would be inglorious, after their sailing out with so noble a fleet, to return without doing any thing; and that they should first endeavour to conclude an alliance with the Greeks and barbarians, in order to divide them from the Syracusans, and procure troops and provisions from them; and especially to send a deputation to Messina, which was a kind of key to Sicily, and its harbour capacious enough to hold all the fleet. He declared further, that after seeing who were their friends and who their enemies, and strengthening themselves by the addi

*Phut. in Nic. p. 532:

tion of a new reinforcement, they then should attack either Selinunta or Syracuse, in case the one should refuse to conclude a peace with Egesta, and the other not permit the Leontines to return to their city.

Lamachus offered a third opinion, which perhaps was the most prudent; that was, to sail directly for Syracuse, before its citizens had time to recover from their surprise, or prepare for their defence. He observed, that the sudden arrival of an armed force always strikes the greatest terror; and that when enemies are allowed time to reflect and make preparations, it also revives their courage; whereas, when they are suddenly attacked, and still in confusion, they are generally overcome; that as they would be masters of the open country, they should not be in want of any thing, but on the contrary would oblige the Sicilians to declare for them; that at last they should settle in Megara, which was quite desert, and a near neighbour to Syracuse, and there lay up their fleet in safety. However, his counsel not being followed, he agreed to that of Alcibiades. Accordingly they sailed for Sicily, where Alcibiades took Catana by surprise.

SECTION X.

ALCIBIADES RECALLED, &c. &c.

THIS was the first and last exploit performed by Alcibiades in this expedition,* he being immediately recalled by the Athenians, in order to be tried upon the accusation against him; for, from the departure of the fleet, his enemies, who had no regard to the welfare of their country, and who, upon the specious pretence of religion, which is often made a cloak to cover the darkest designs, meditated nothing but satiating their hatred and revenge; his enemies, I say, taking advantage of his absence, had proceeded in the affair with greater vigour than ever. All those against whom informations were lodged, were thrown into prison, without so much as being suffered to be heard, and that too on the evidence of the most profligate and abandoned citizens, as if, says Thucydides, it was not as great a crime to punish the innocent, as to suffer the guilty to escape. One of the informers was proved to be perjured by his own words; having declared that he saw and knew one of the accused by moon-light; whereas it appeared that there was no moon at that time. But notwithstanding this manifest perjury, the populace were as furious as ever. The remembrance of the tyranny of the Pisistratides made them apprehensive of the like fate; and strongly possessed with this fear, they would not give ear to any thing.

At last they sent out the † ship of Salamin, ordering the captain not to carry off Alcibiades by force, for fear of raising a tumult in the army, but only to order him to return to Athens, to pacify the people by his presence. Alcibiades obeyed the order, and went immediately on board his galley: but the instant he was arrived at Thurium, and had got on shore, he disappeared, and eluded the pursuit of those who sought after him. Being asked, whether he would not rely on his country, with regard to the judgment it might pass on him?" I would not," says he, " rely on my mother, for fear lest she should inadvertently mistake a ‡ black bean for a white

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*Thucyd. I. vi. p. 446-450. Plut. in Alcib. p. 202.

This was a sacred vessel appointed to fetch criminals.

The judges made use of beans in giving their suffrages, and the black bean denoted condemnation.

σε one." The galley of Salamin returned back without the commander, who was ashamed of his having suffered his prey to escape him in that manner. Alcibiades was sentenced to die for his contumacy. His whole estate was confiscated, and all priests and priestesses were commanded to curse him. Among the latter was one Theano, who alone had the courage to oppose this decree, saying, "That she had been appointed priest66 ess, not to curse, but to bless." Some time after, news being brought him that the Athenians had condemned him to die, "I shall make them "sensible," says he, "that I am alive."

+ Much about this time Diagoras of Milia, was prosecuted at Athens. He had settled himself in the latter city, where he taught Atheism, and was brought to a trial for his doctrine. Diagoras escaped the punishment which would have been inflicted on him, by flying from the city; but he could not wipe off the ignominy of the sentence which condemned him to death. The Athenians had so great an abhorrence for the impious principles inculcated by him, that they even set a price upon his head, and promised the reward of a talent to any man who should bring him dead or alive.

About 20 years before, a like affair had happened to Protagoras, for having only treated the same question by way of problem. He had said in the beginning of one of his books, "Whether the gods do or do not ex"ist, is a question which I know not whether I ought to affirm or deny : "for our understandings are too much clouded, and the life of man is too "short for the solution of so nice and difficult a point." But the Athenians could not bear to have a subject of this nature made a doubt; and for this reason, they ordered proclamation to be made by the public crier, for all persons who had any copies of this book to bring them to the magistrates: after which they were burnt as infamous pieces, and the author was banished for ever from all the territories of the Athenians.

Diagoras and Protagoras had been the disciples of Democritus, who first invented the philosophy of atoms. I shall speak of him in another place.

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From the departure of Alcibiades, Nicias had possessed the whole au-. thority for Lamachus his colleague, though a man of bravery and experience, was however in no credit, because of his extreme poverty, for which he was despised by the soldiers. But the Athenians were not always in this way of thinking; for we have seen that Aristides, poor as he was, was not less esteemed and respected on that account. But in this last expedition, the people in general had imbibed a passion for luxury and magnificence; the natural consequences of which is a love of riches. As Nicias therefore governed all affairs solely, all his actions were of the same cast with his disposition, that is, of a slow and fearful kind; he suffered every thing to languish, sometimes either by lying still and undertaking nothing, sometimes by only sailing along the coast, or losing time in consulting and deliberating; all which soon suppressed, on one side, the ardour and confidence the troops expressed at first; and on the other, the fear and terror with which the enemy had been seized, at the sight of so terrible an armament. He besieged Hybla; and though it was but a small city, he was however obliged to raise the siege some days after, which

* Φασκετα ευχων ου καταρων ιερείαν γεγονέναι.

† Joseph. contr. App.

Diod. 1. xiii. p. 137.

Diog. Laert. in Protag. Joseph. contr. App. Cic. 1. i. de Nat. Deor. n. 62.
Thucyd. p. 452, 453. Plut. in Nic. p. 553.

VOL. II.

23

brought him into the highest contempt. He retired at last to Catana, after having performed but one exploit, viz. the ruining of Hyccara, a small town inhabited by barbarians; from which place it is said that Lais the courtesan, at that time very young, was sold with the rest of the captives, and carried to Peloponnesus.

* In the mean time, Alcibiades, having left Thurium, was arrived at Argos; and as he quite despaired of ever being recalled home, he sent a messenger to the Spartans, desiring leave to reside among them, under their guard and protection. He promised in the most solemn manner, that if they would consider him as their friend, he would perform greater service for their state than he before had done injuries to it. The Spartans received him with open arms, and soon after his arrival in their city, he gained the love and esteem of all its inhabitants. He charmed, and even enchanted them by his conforming himself so easily to their way of living. Such people as saw Alcibiades shave himself to the skin, bathe in cold water, eat of the coarse heavy cakes, which were their usual food, and be so well satisfied with their black broth, could not persuade themselves that a man who submitted so cheerfully to this kind of life, had ever kept cooks in his palace, had used essences and perfumes, had wore the rich stuffs of Miletus; in a word, that he had hitherto lived in the midst of voluptuousness and profusion of all things. But flexibility was the characteristic that chiefly distinguished Alcibiades. Cameleon-like, he could assume all shapes and colours, to win the favour of those among whom he resided. He immediately assumed their manners, and adapted himself to their taste, as if they had been natural to him; and though he inwardly had an aversion to them, he could however cover his disgust with an easy, simple, and unconstrained air. With some he had all the graces and vivacity of the gayest youth, and with others all the gravity of old age. In Sparta, he was laborious, frugal, and austere; in Ionia, enjoyment, idleness and pleasure, made up his whole life; in Thrace, he was always on horseback, or carousing; and when he resided with Tissaphernes the satrap, he exceeded all the magnificence of the Persians in luxury and profusion.

But he was not barely satisfied with gaining the esteem of the Lacedæmonians. He insinuated himself so far into the affection of Timea, the wife of king Agis, that he had a son by her, who in public went by the name of Leotychides; though his mother in private, and among her women and female friends, did not blush to call him Alcibiades; so violent was her passion for that Athenian. Agis was informed of this intrigue, and therefore refused to own Leotychides for his son; for which reason he was afterwards excluded the throne.

SECTION XI.

DESCRIPTION OF SYRACUSE.

AS the siege of Syracuse is one of the most considerable in the Grecian history, the particular circumstances of which I thought proper to relate for that reason, in order to give my readers an idea of the manner of besieging by the ancients, I judge it necessary, before I enter into that detail, to give the reader a description and plan of the city of Syracuse, in which he will also find the different fortifications both of the Athenians and Syracusans mentioned in this siege.

*Plut. in Alcib. p. 230:

* Syracuse stood on the eastern coast of Sicily. Its vast extent, its advantageous situation, the conveniency of its double harbour, its fortifications built with the utmost care and labour, and the multitude and wealth of its inhabitants, made it one of the greatest, the most beautiful, and most powerful among the Grecian cities. We are told its air was so pure and serene, that there was no day in the year, how cloudy soever it might be, in which the sun did not display its beams.

It was built by Archias the Corinthian, a year after Naxos and Megara had been founded on the same coast.

When the Athenians besieged this city, it was divided into three parts, viz. the Island, Achradina, and Tyche. Thucydides mentions only these three divisions. Two more, viz. Neapolis and Epipola, were afterwards added.

The island, situated to the south, was called Nos, Nasos, signifying in Greek, an island, but pronounced according to the Doric dialect; and Ortygia. It was joined to the continent by a bridge. It was in this island that the Syracusans afterwards built the citadel and the palace of their kings. This quarter or division of the city was of very great importance, because it might render those who possessed it, masters of the two ports which surrounded it. It was for this reason the Romans, when they took Syracuse, would not suffer any Syracusans to inhabit the island.

There was in this island a very famous spring called Arethusa. The ancients, or rather the poets, from reasons which have not the least shadow of probability, supposed that Alpheus, a river of Elis in Peloponnesus, rolled its waters either through or under the waves of the sea, without ever mixing them, as far as the spring or fountain of Arethusa. It was this fiction gave occasion to the following lines of Virgil:

Extremum hunc, Arethusa, mihi concede laborem.-
Sic tibi, cum fluctus subterlabere Sicanos,
Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam.

Thy sacred succour, Arethusa, bring.
To crown my labour: "Tis the last I sing.-
So may thy silver streams beneath the tide,
Unmix'd with briny seas, securely glide.

VIRG. Eclog. 10.

DRYDEN.

Achradina, situated entirely on the sea-side, towards the cast, was the most spacious, the most beautiful, and best fortified quarter of the city.

Tyche, so called from the temple of Fortune, Tuŋ which embellished that part of the city, extended along Achradina westward from the north towards the south, and was very well inhabited. It had a famous gate called Hexapylum, which led into the country, and was situated to the north of the city,

Epipola was a hill without the city, which it commanded.

*Cic. Verr. 6. n. 117-119.

It was situ

+Urbem Syracusas elegerat, cujus hic situs atque hæc natura esse loci cœlique dicitur, ut nullus unquam dies tam magna turbulentaque tempestate fuerit, quin aliquo tempore solem ejus diei homines viderent. Cic. Verr. 7. n. 26.

i A. M. 3295. Ant. J. C. 709. Strab. l. 6. p. 269.

Cic. Verr. 7. n. 97.

Strab. 1. vi. 270. Senec. Nat. Quæst. l. iii. c. 26.

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