2. The soldiers, who fought in the ships, were armed almost in the same manner with the land forces.

* The Athenians, at the battle of Salamin, had 180 vessels, and in each of them 18 fighting men, four of whom were archers, and the rest heavy armed troops. The officer who commanded these soldiers was called Tengagxos, and the commander of the whole fleet, vavagxes, or sgarnyos.

We cannot exactly state the number of soldiers, mariners, and rowers, that served on board each ship; but it generally amounted to 200, more or less, as appears from Herodotus' estimate of the Persian fleet in the time of Xerxes, and in other places where he mentions that of the Greeks. I mean here the great vessels, the triremes, which were the species most in

use.

The pay of those who served in these ships varied very much at different times. When young Cyrus arrived in Asia † it was only three oboli, which was half a drachm, or five pence; and the treaty between the Persians and Lacedæmonians was concluded upon this foot; which gives reason to believe that the usual pay was three oboli. Cyrus, at Lysander's request, added a fourth, which made six pence half-penny a day. It was often raised to a whole drachm, about ten pence French. In the fleet fitted out against Sicily the Athenians gave a drachm a day to the troops. The sum of 60 talents, which the people of Egesta advanced the Athenians monthly for the maintaining of 60 ships, shows that the pay of each vessel for a month amounted to a talent, that is to say, to 3000 livres ; which supposes that each ship's company consisted of 200 men, each of whom received a drachm or ten pence a day. As the officers pay was higher, the republic perhaps either furnished the overplus, or it was deducted out of the total of the sum advanced for a vessel, by abating something in the pay of the private men.

The same may be said of the land troops as has been said of the seamen, except that the horse had double their pay. It appears that the ordinary pay of the foot was three oboli a day, and that it was augmented according to times and occasions. ** Thimbron the Lacedæmonian, when he marched against Tissaphernes, promised a daric a month to each soldier, two to a captain, and four to the colonels. Now a daric a month is four oboli a day. Young Cyrus, to animate his troops, whom a too long march had discouraged, instead of one daric, promised one and a half to each soldier, which amounted to a drachm, or ten pence French a day.

It may be asked how the Lacedæmonians, whose iron coin, the only species current amongthem, would go no where else, could maintain armies by sea and land, and where they found money for their subsistence. It is not to be doubted but they raised it, as the Athenians did, by contributions from their allies, and still more from the cities to which they gave liberty and protection, or from those they had conquered from their enemies. Their second fund for paying their fleet and armies were the aids they drew from the king of Persia, as we have seen on several occasions.

Xenoph. hist. l. i. p. 441.

*Plut. in Themist. p. 119. This treaty stipulated that the Persians should pay thirty minæ a month for each ship, which was half a talent; the whole amounted to three oboli a day for every man that served on board.

|| Thucyd. 1. vi. p. 431.

About 84001. sterling.

Thucyd. 1. vi. p. 415.
** Xenoph. Exped. Cyr. 1. vii.

SECTION V.

PECULIAR CHARACTER OF THE ATHENIANS.

PLUTARCH furnishes us with almost all the matter upon this head. Every body knows how well he succeeds in copying nature in his portraits, and how proper a person he was to trace the character of a people, whose genius and manners he had studied with so profound an attention.

*

I. "The people of Athens," says Plutarch,f "were easily provoked "to anger, and as easily induced to resume their sentiments of benevo "lence and compassion." History supplies us with an infinity of examples of this kind. The sentence of death passed against the inhabitants of Mitylene, and revoked the next day: the condemnation of the ten generals, and that of Socrates, both followed with an immediate repentance and the most lively grief.

II. "They were better pleased with penetrating, and almost guessing an affair of themselves, than to give themselves leisure to be informed in it thoroughly, and in all its extent."

Nothing is more surprising than this circumstance in their character, which it is very hard to conceive, and seems almost incredible. Artificers, husbandmen, soldiers, mariners, are generally a dull, heavy kind of people, and very gross in their conceptions; but the people of Athens were of a quite different turn. They had naturally an amazing penetration, vivacity, and even delicacy of wit. I have already mentioned what happened to Theophrastus. He was cheapening something of an old woman at Athens that sold herbs: "No, Mr. Stranger," said she, "you "shall have it for no less." He was strangely surprised to see himself treated as a stranger, who had passed almost his whole life at Athens, and who piqued himself upon excelling all others in the elegance of his language. It was however from that she knew he was not of her country. We have said, that the Athenian soldiers knew the fine passages of Euripides by heart. These artificers and soldiers, from assisting at the public deliberations, were besides versed in affairs of state, and understood every thing at half a word. We may judge of this from the orations of Demosthenes, whose style we know is ardent, brief, and concise.

III. "As they naturally inclined to relieve persons of a low condition, "and mean circumstances, so were they fond of conversations seasoned "with pleasantry, and proper to make people laugh."

They assisted persons of a mean condition, because from such they had nothing to apprehend in regard to their liberty, and saw in them the characters of equality and resemblance with themselves. They loved pleasantry, and showed in that they were men; but men abounding with humanity and indulgence, who understood raillery, who were not prone to take offence, nor over delicate in point of the respect to be paid them.

Plut. in præcept reip. ger. p. 793.

† Ο δήμος Αθηναίων ευκίνητος εςι προς οργην, ευμετάθετος προς ελεον.

† Μάλλον οξεως υπονοειν: η διδασκέσθαι καθ ησυχιαν βουλομένος.

Cum Theophrastus percontaretur ex anicula quadam, quanti aliquid venderet, et respondisset illa, atque addidisset: Hospes, non pote minoris; tulit moleste, se non effugere hospitis speciem, cum ætatem egerit Athenis, optimeque loqueretur. Cic. de clar orat. n. 17.

ο Ωσπερ των ανδρών τοις αδόξοις και ταπεινοις βοηθεῖν προθυμότερος, όπως των λόγων τις παιγνιώδεις και γελοιες ασπάζεται και προτιμα.

Xenoph. de Athen. rep. p. 691.

One day when the assembly was fully formed, and the people had already taken their places and sat down, Cleon, after having made them wait his coming a great while, appeared at last with a wreath of flowers upon his head, and desired the people to adjourn their deliberations to the next day. "For to day," said he, "I have business. I have been sacrificing to the 6 gods, and am to entertain some strangers, my friends, at supper." The Athenians setting up a laugh, rose and broke up the assembly. At Carthage, such a pleasantry would have cost any man his life that had presumed to vent it, and to take such a liberty with a proud, haughty, jeal ous, morose people, of a genius averse to complacency, and less inclined to humour. Upon another occasion, the orator Stratocles, having informed the people of a victory, and in consequence caused sacrifices to be of fered, three days after news came of the defeat of the army. As the people expressed their discontent and resentment upon the false information, he asked them," of what they had to complain, and what harm he had done them, in making them pass three days more agreeably than they would "else have done?"

66

*

IV. "They † were pleased with hearing themselves praised, and could "not bear to be railed at, or criticised." The least acquaintance with Aristophanes and Demosthenes, will show with what address and effect they employed praises and criticism with regard to the people of Athens,

When the republic enjoyed peace and tranquility, says the same Plutarch in another place, the Athenian people diverted themselves with the orators who flattered them; but in important affairs, and emergencies of the state, they became serious, and gave the preference to those whose custom it had been to oppose their unjust desires; such as Pericles, Phocion, and Demosthenes.

V. "They kept those who governed them in awe, and showed their "humanity even to their enemies."

The people of Athens made good use of the talents of those who distinguished themselves by their eloquence and prudence; but they were full of suspicion, and kept themselves always on their guard against their superiority of genius and ability: they took pleasure in restraining their cour age, and lessening their glory and reputation. This may be judged from the ostracism, which was instituted only as a curb on those whose merit and popularity ran too high, and which spared neither the greatest nor the most worthy persons. The hatred of tyranny and tyrants, which was in a manper innate in the Athenians, made them extremely jealous and apprehensive for their liberty with regard to those who governed.

As to what relates to their enemies, they did not treat them with rigour; they did not make an insolent use of victory, nor exercise any cruelty towards the vanquished. The amnesty decreed after the tyranny of the thirty, shows that they could forget the injuries which had been done them.

To these different characteristics, which Plutarch unites in the same passage of his works, some others may be added, extracted principally from the same author.

VI. It was from this fund of humanity and benevolence, of which I

* Πικρον σκυθρωπον, παιδίαν και χαριν ακηδυτον και σκληρον.

† Τοις μεν επαινεσιν μαλις ο χαίρει, τοις δε ςκωπ εσιν ηκιςα δυσχεραίνει.
Plu in Phocion, p. 746.

Η Φοβερος ες ιν άχρι των αρχόντων, είτα φιλανθρωπος αχρι των πολεμίων.
Πατριον αυτοίς και σύμφυτον ην το φιλανθρωπον. In Pelop. p. 280.

have now spoken, and which was natural to the Athenians, that they were so attentive to the rules of politeness, and so delicate in point of just behaviour; qualities one would not expect to find among the common people. In the war against Philip of Macedon, having intercepted one of his couriers, they read all the letters he carried, except that of Olympias his wife, which they returned sealed up and unopened, out of regard to conjugal love and secrecy, the rites of which are sacred, and ought to be respected even among enemies. The same Athenians having decreed that a strict search should be made after the presents distributed by Harpalus among the orators, would not suffer the house of Callicles, who was lately married, to be visited, out of respect for his bride, not long brought home. Such behaviour is not very common, and upon like occasions people do not stand much upon forms and politeness.

VII. The taste of the Athenians for all arts and sciences is too well known to require dwelling long upon it in this place. Besides which, I shall have occasion to speak of it with some extent elsewhere. But we cannot see, without admiration, a people composed for the most part, as I have said before, of artizans, husbandmen, soldiers, and mariners, carry delicacy of taste in every kind to so high a degree of perfection, which seems the peculiar attribute of a more exalted condition and a nobler education.

VIII. It is no less wonderful, that this people should have such great views, and rise so high in their pretensions. In the war Alcibiades made them undertake, filled with vast projects and unbounded hopes, they did not confine themselves to the taking of Syracuse, or the conquest of Sicily, but had already added Italy, Peloponnesus, Libya, the Carthaginian states, and the empire of the sea, to the Pillars of Hercules. Their enterprise failed, but they had formed it; and the taking of Syracuse, which seemed no great difficulty, might have enabled them to put it in execution.

IX. The same people, so great, and one may say so haughty in their projects, had nothing of that character in other respects. In what regarded the expence of the table, dress, furniture, private buildings, and, in a word, private life, they were frugal, simple, modest, and poor; but sumptuous and magnificent in all things public, and capable of doing honour to the state. Their victories, conquests, wealth and continual communication with the people of Asia Minor, introduced neither luxury, gluttony, pomp, nor vain profusion among them. Xenophon observes that a citizen could not be distinguished from a slave by his dress. The richest inbabitants, and the most famous generals, were not ashamed to go to market themselves.

It was very glorious for Athens to have produced and formed so many excellent persons in the arts of war and government; in philosophy, eloquence, poesy, painting, sculpture, and architecture: of having furnished alone more great men in every kind than any other city of the world; if, perhaps, we except Rome, which had imbibed learning and arts from her, and knew how to apply her lessons to the best advantage; of having been in some sort the school and tutor of almost the whole universe; of

*Plut. in Demetr. p. 898.

† Μεγα φρονεί, μεγάλων ο γελας. Plut.

De rep. Athen. p. 693

Græcia capta forum victorem cepit, et artes
Intulit agresti Latio.

Horat. Epist i. 1. 2.

having served, and still continuing to serve as the model for nations which pique themselves most upon the excellency of taste; in a word, of having taught the language and prescribed the laws of all that regards the talents and productions of the mind. The part of this history, wherein I shall treat the sciences and learned men that rendered Greece illustrious, with the arts also, and those who excelled in them, will set this in a clear light.

X. I shall conclude this description of the Athenians with one more attribute, which cannot be denied them, and appears evidently in all their actions and enterprises; and that is, their ardent love of liberty. This was their darling passion and great principle of policy. We see them, from the commencement of the war with the Persians, sacrifice every thing to the liberty of Greece. They abandoned, without the least regret, their lands, estates, city and houses, and removed to their ships, in order to fight the common enemy, whose view was to enslave them. What could be more glorious for Athens, than when all the allies were trembling at the vast offers made her by the king of Persia, to answer his ambassador * by the mouth of Aristides, that all the gold and silver in the world was not capable of tempting them to sell their own or the liberty of Greece? It was from such generous sentiments that the Athenians not only became the bulwark of Greece, but preserved the rest of Europe and all the western world from the invasion of the Persians.

These great qualities were mingled with great defects, often the very reverse of them, such as we may imagine in a fluctuating, light, inconstant, capricious people as the Athenians.

SECTION VI.

COMMON CHARACTER OF THE LACEDEMONIANS AND ATHENIANS.

I CANNOT refuse giving a place here to what Mr. Bossuet says upon the character of the Lacedæmonians and Athenians. The passage is long but will not appear so, and includes all that is wanting to a perfect knowledge of the genius of both those people.

Among all the republics of which Greece was composed, Athens and Lacedæmon were undoubtedly the principal. No people could have more wit than the Athenians, nor more solid sense than the Lacedæmonians, Athens affected pleasure; the Lacedæmonian way of life was hard and laborious. Both loved glory and liberty; but the liberty of Athens tended to licence; and controuled by severe laws at Lacedæmon, the more restrained it was at home, the more ardent it was to extend itself in rule abroad. Athens was also for reigning, but upon another principle, in which interest had a share with glory. Her citizens excelled in the art of navi gation, and the sovereignty at sea had enriched her. To continue in the sole possession of all commerce, there was nothing she would not have subjected to her power; and her riches, which inspired this passion, supplied her with the means of gratifying it. On the contrary, at Lacedæ mon, money was in contempt. As all the laws tended to make the latter a military republic, the glory of arms was the sole object that engrossed the citizens. From thence she naturally affected dominion; and the more she was above interest, the more she abandoned herself to ambition. Lacedæmon from her regular life, was steady and determinate in her

*Plut. in Arist. p. 324.