From The Examiner. | day of controversy, to the evil of a way of dealing with the facts that we might fairly accuse of being deliberately calculated to inflame passion on both sides: The Impending Crisis of the South; How to "Waiving all other counts, we have, we think, shown, to the satisfaction of every impartial reader, that, as elsewhere stated, on the single score of damages to lands, the slaveholders are, at this moment, indebted to us, the non-slaveholding whites, in the million of dollars. enormous sum of nearly seventy-six hundred What shall be done with this amount? It is just; shall payment be demanded ? No; all the slaveholders in the country could not pay it; nor shall we ever ask them for even a moiety of the amount-no, not even for a dime, nor yet for a cent; we are willing to forfeit every selves we ask no indemnification for the farthing for the sake of freedom; for ourpast: we only demand justice for the future. MR. HELPER's book may almost be said to belong to the history of the present quarrel between the American States of the North and South. The author is a Southern Abolitionist, and his book was first published in 1857. He foresaw the impending crisis as one turning on the question of slavery. He amassed telling facts against the economy of the slave system, and compiled as "Testimonies" the arguments and opinions of men of note in North and South. It must be owned that he used no tenderness in dealing with the question, doing his work rather in the spirit of a warm-blooded par- "But, sirs, slaveholders, chevaliers and tisan than of a statesman, for he seemed to lords of the lash, we are unwilling to allow think that it would be a gain to the slave- you to cheat the negroes out of all the rights holders of the South, as much as it was their and claims to which, as human beings, they duty, to emancipate all the blacks and give ourself as an individual, but for others also are most sacredly entitled. Not alone for them sixty dollars apiece to begin freedom-particularly for six million of Southern with. Very soon after the publication of non-slaveholding whites, whom your iniqthis book a suggestion came from the man-uitous statism has debarred from almost agers of the New York Evening Post, a pa- all the mental and material comforts of life per of which an excellent American poet, do we speak, when we say, you must, Mr. Bryant, is known to be chief proprietor, sooner or later, emancipate your slaves, and for the gratuitous issue of a hundred thou- pay each and every one of them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this, you sand copies of a compendium of its facts. will be restoring to them their natural rights, Political changes deferred action on the and remunerating them at the rate of less scheme until the spring of 1859, when the than twenty-six cents per annum for the proposal to print a hundred thousand copies long and cheerless period of their servitude, of such an epitome by subscription was en- from the 20th of August, 1620, when, on dorsed by sixty-eight members of the House James River, in Virginia, they became the of Representatives, and is said to have been unhappy slaves of heartless tyrants. Morepublicly approved by Mr. Seward, whose but a simple act of justice to the non-slaveover, by doing this you will be performing position in the Republican party gave sig-holding whites, upon whom the system of nificance to what he might do. The book slavery has weighed scarcely less heavily was read on both sides, and violently pro- than upon the negroes themselves. You tested against by the men of the South, who will also be applying a saving balm to your were entitled bitterly to resent its intem- own outraged hearts and consciences, and perate manner. Of the compendium one hundred and forty thousand copies passed into circulation. Of the original work, the copy before us, dated 1860, is declared on "And now, sirs, we have thus laid down the title-page to be one of the Hundredth our ultimatum. What are you going to do Thousand. We are sorry for it. In this about it? Something dreadful, of course! day of a great national crisis nothing but Perhaps you will dissolve the Union again. evil can be expected from such wide accept- would have you understand it, is The Aboli Do it, if you dare! Our motto, and we ance of a book designed throughout in the tion of Slavery, and the Perpetuation of the spirit of the following extract. Advantage Union. If, by any means, you do succeed from the facts amassed is as nothing, in a in your treasonable attempts, to take the your children-yourselves in fact-freed become respectable, useful, and honorable from the accursed stain of slavery, will members of society. AN accomplished editor's loving care has been worthily aided by publisher and printer, to make this a beautiful book; and the written remains of a mind that was lovely in life have been enshrined with a reliquary richness after death. William Croswell was born in November, 1804, at Hudson, in the County of Columbia and State of New York. In 1827, Croswell and Doane started the Watchman, which became "an influence" in the American Church. In 1829, Croswell, was ordained to the priesthood, and entered on the rectorship of Christ Church, Boston. This church was an interesting old colonial fabric, one of the very few in America having a chime of bells. Its silver altar-service was a gift of George the Second. From its tower the chief men of Provence had watched the battle of Bunker's Hill. Mr. Coxe, the editor speaks very affectionately of his poetfriend. He appears to have been of a spirit singularly pure and faithful, and, after some two-and-twenty years of life spent in the Master's service, his death was singularly touching. On Sunday, the 9th of November, 1851, he baptized an infant, at the evening service, and preached to the children on the "little maid" whose fidelity led to the cure and conversion of Naaman. He joined in the singing, then knelt down at the rails of the chancel, and, looking towards the altar, began the prayer. The book fell from his grasp. The hand of death had been laid gently on the bowed head as he knelt in the white vestment of his priesthood. A blood-vessel had burst in his brain. We do not get the best of a nature like that of Croswell in books. Accordingly, the will be found pale after the warm, bright poetry word of his friend. But the goodness shines transparently through it, and his gentleness must be fully felt. There is manna in it for many, only it must fall into the right hands. The specimen we give will not do justice to the book in its higher aspect, but it is natural, and we like it : "TO MY FATHER. "My Father, I recall the dream Of childish joy and wonder, When thou wast young as I now seem, Say, thirty-three, or under! When on thy temples, as on mine, Time just began to sprinkle His first gray hairs, and traced the sign Of many a coming wrinkle. "I recognize thy voice's tone As to myself I'm talking; And this firm tread, how like thine own, A glance across my shoulder "My Father, proud am I to bear Thy face, thy form, thy stature, Its trouble or its sorrow; Thy virtues and thy blessing!" INDIGESTION FROM IRISH STEW.-The disruption of the once United States was at first wholly attributed to difference of opinion on the subject of slavery, and next in part ascribed to diversity of views and interests respecting commercial legislation. Another and more powerful cause may also have contributed to produce a result so much to be deplored and blushed for by all the friends of representative government. During many years, a great emigration of disaffected Irishmen had been continually increas ing the population of the American Republic. For a long time America digested them. Perhaps, however, the nutriment which she has gone on deriving from Ireland so long, may have at last disagreed with her, occasioning constitutional disturbance which is, in a great measure, nothing more than an outbreak of a suppressed Irish malady, the fever which, with a smouldering fire, has always burned for Repeal of the Union.-Punch. From The Examiner. The Impending Crisis of the South; How to meet it. By Hinton Rowan Helper, of North Carolina. Hundredth Thousand. Sampson Low, Son, and Co. New York: A. B. Burdick. MR. HELPER'S book may almost be said to belong to the history of the present quarrel between the American States of the North and South. The author is a Southern Abolitionist, and his book was first published in 1857. He foresaw the impending crisis as one turning on the question of slavery. He amassed telling facts against the economy of the slave system, and compiled as "Testimonies" the arguments and opinions of men of note in North and South. It must be owned that he used no tenderness in dealing with the question, doing his work rather in the spirit of a warm-blooded partisan than of a statesman, for he seemed to think that it would be a gain to the slaveholders of the South, as much as it was their duty, to emancipate all the blacks and give them sixty dollars apiece to begin freedom with. Very soon after the publication of this book a suggestion came from the managers of the New York Evening Post, a paper of which an excellent American poet, Mr. Bryant, is known to be chief proprietor, for the gratuitous issue of a hundred thousand copies of a compendium of its facts. Political changes deferred action on the scheme until the spring of 1859, when the proposal to print a hundred thousand copies of such an epitome by subscription was endorsed by sixty-eight members of the House of Representatives, and is said to have been publicly approved by Mr. Seward, whose position in the Republican party gave significance to what he might do. The book was read on both sides, and violently protested against by the men of the South, who were entitled bitterly to resent its intemperate manner. Of the compendium one hundred and forty thousand copies passed into circulation. Of the original work, the copy before us, dated 1860, is declared on the title-page to be one of the Hundredth Thousand. We are sorry for it. In this day of a great national crisis nothing but evil can be expected from such wide acceptance of a book designed throughout in the spirit of the following extract. Advantage from the facts amassed is as nothing, in a day of controversy, to the evil of a way of dealing with the facts that we might fairly accuse of being deliberately calculated to inflame passion on both sides :— "Waiving all other counts, we have, we think, shown, to the satisfaction of every impartial reader, that, as elsewhere stated, on the single score of damages to lands, the slaveholders are, at this moment, indebted to us, the non-slaveholding whites, in the million of dollars. What shall be done enormous sum of nearly seventy-six hundred with this amount? It is just; shall payment be demanded? No; all the slaveholders in the country could not pay it; nor shall we ever ask them for even a moiety of the amount-no, not even for a dime, nor yet for a cent; we are willing to forfeit every selves we ask no indemnification for the farthing for the sake of freedom; for ourpast: we only demand justice for the future. "But, sirs, slaveholders, chevaliers and lords of the lash, we are unwilling to allow you to cheat the negroes out of all the rights and claims to which, as human beings, they ourself as an individual, but for others also are most sacredly entitled. Not alone for particularly for six million of Southern non-slaveholding whites, whom your iniquitous statism has debarred from almost all the mental and material comforts of life do we speak, when we say, you must, sooner or later, emancipate your slaves, and pay each and every one of them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this, you will be restoring to them their natural rights, and remunerating them at the rate of less than twenty-six cents per annum for the long and cheerless period of their servitude, from the 20th of August, 1620, when, on James River, in Virginia, they became the unhappy slaves of heartless tyrants. Morebut a simple act of justice to the non-slaveover, by doing this you will be performing holding whites, upon whom the system of slavery has weighed scarcely less heavily than upon the negroes themselves. You will also be applying a saving balm to your own outraged hearts and consciences, and your children-yourselves in fact-freed from the accursed stain of slavery, will become respectable, useful, and honorable members of society. "And now, sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum. What are you going to do about it? Something dreadful, of course! Perhaps you will dissolve the Union again. would have you understand it, is The Aboli Do it, if you dare! Our motto, and we tion of Slavery, and the Perpetuation of the Union. If, by any means, you do succeed in your treasonable attempts, to take the South out of the Union to-day, we will bring her back to-morrow-if she goes away with you, she shall return without you. "Do not mistake the meaning of the last clause of the last sentence; we could elucidate it so thoroughly that no intelligent person could fail to comprehend it; but, for reasons which may hereafter appear, we forego the task." In every way the book is offensive by its insolence and its vulgarity of tone. We condemn the principle and deny the economy of slavery as thoroughly as Mr. Helper can. When Mr. Olmsted travelled through the Slave States and made faithful temperate comparisons between the effect on the soil as the proprietor of slave and free labor, we welcomed him as an ally in a good cause; but with men of Mr. Helper's quality we will have no alliance. They do more to defeat than to advance an honest argument. Americans should rather seek to silence than to get a fuller hearing for men who write in the tone of vulgar insolence here taken :— "Thus, terror-engenderers of the South, have we fully and frankly defined our position: we have no modifications to propose, no compromises to offer, nothing to retract. Frown, sirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat, strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union, nay annihilate the solar system if you will-do all this, more, less, better, worse, any thing-do what you will, sirs, you can neither foil nor intimidate us; our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of Heaven; we have determined to abolish slavery, and, so help us God, abolish it we will! Take this to bed with you to-night, sirs, and think about it, dream over it, and let us know how you feel to-morrow morning." been seen grazing and browsing like cattle. The lank, haggard forms that skulk about the thoroughfares, so disfigured and distorted by intense physical agonies, seem more like spectres from the charnel-house than living creatures of flesh and blood." THE INDIAN FAMINE.-The news received | ties there only. Along hedges and ditches are yesterday from India will startle even a genera- the dead and the dying. Human beings have tion which remembers the Irish famine. There is no longer any doubt that a calamity such as suggests rather the vengeance of an offended God, than the operations of any natural law is impending over that unhappy land. Since October, 1859, there has been no rain sufficient to moisten the hard-baked plains of Upper India, the small reserve stock of previous harvests has at length been consumed, and the last of horrors, the massacre of thousands by actual starvation, has at last commenced. The famine is not confined to Northern India. It has spread into Cutch, a badly culti vated province, the soil of which is impregnated with salt, and always severely affected by a drought. Perhaps the most awful visitation of From Peshawur to Cawnpore, a range of all, however, is at Travancore, where even caste eight hundred miles, the earth is iron, and the has disappeared. In Northern India, the peoheavens brass. Throughout that vast territory ple, slaves of a rotten superstition, still reject the lowest class is slowly perishing of want. cooked food, but in Travancore even caste has We write on the evidence of eye-witnesses, who given way, and children are sold for a shilling have seen thousands unable to eat from pros-a-piece without reference to the caste of the purtration, even when food has been procured. In chasers. the Delhi district the population are digging for The Europeans all over India are straining roots, and hunting the jungle for berries, and every nerve to assist the people so recently bent these resources failing, dying calmly by the road-upon their extirpation. Calcutta, in three days, side. In Agra, mothers are selling their chil- raised thirty thousand rupees, an average of two dren to purchase the protraction of suffering for guineas a head for every European, but the class one more day. Seven and a half million of is too limited to maintain a nation. Natives, a people are already within the influence of the few Parsees excepted, will give nothing, and the famine, and only ten days of possible rain remained relief is practically confined to the neighborhood for the spring crop. If that perishes, the popu- of the great stations. The work, so far as hulation of the north-west, thirty millions of peo-man agency can perform it, must be done by ple, must be maintained by alms. Already." government, but even a government, absolute as writes one man who lives among the scenes he that of India, cannot arrest the pestilence which, is describing, "homesteads have been deserted, if analogy may be trusted, will complete the whole villages left desolate, as if to avoid a doom work the famine has begun.-Spectator, 9 March. that could have reached the wretched communi From The Economist, 30 March. THE COMMISSIONERS FROM MONTGOM ERY AND THEIR MISSION. the Gulf should be incorporated in a Union hostile to the extension of slavery, but more or less ruled by the foolish cry of protection. Of course this alternative does not really rest with England,—but if it did, no sensible man can doubt how she would decide, even as a matter of pure interest. The deeper delusions of protection can only be short-lived in an intelligent country. More or less they refute themselves. But the policy of slavery is insatiate: give it what it asks, and it asks more. Let the Southern States be independent and active for another seven years, and they will be planning descents on Jamaica. -as no THE veil is not yet removed from Mr. Lincoln's policy,—and eminent senators of the United States were engaged at the last advices in exchanging those dignified personalities on the subject, for which their debates are so remarkable. It seems to be generally believed that the President intends to abandon Fort Sumter to the South Carolinians, but to use all the force at his command to retain other United States' forts and property that he may think more tenable. But while Mr. Lincoln deliberates, Mr. Jefferson Davis acts. Besides pushing on with unu- It is not for us, then, to deviate a hair'ssual promptitude the organization of the breadth from our usual course. Nay, even Southern Army, and the reinforcement of when it is generally acknowledged,the Southern forts, he has imposed the agree- doubt sooner or later it will be,-that disable task on Lord John Russell and M. de union is a fait accompli,-even then our acThouvenel of explaining to three Southern knowledgment of the Southern ConfederaCommissioners that, for the present at least, tion should be cautious and conditional. At they must be regarded by foreign States as present they have declared themselves private persons,-able, doubtless, to com- against the Slave-Trade. But never let it municate much that is interesting concern- be forgotten that the very men who planned ing the progress of events in the Southern secession, planned it with the avowed States, but representatives of nothing that purpose of re-opening the Slave-Trade. a government can yet recognize. The Hon. The Hon. W. L. Yancey, who is now deleW. L. Yancey and his friends are coming, gated by Mr. Jefferson Davis to negotiate a we hear, in the expectation of a cordial re-recognition with us, was the zealous, the ception and of an immediate success. But shameless, the consistent advocate of its rein England, at least, they will be disap-vival. He it was who contended against the pointed. We cannot, of course, go on forever on the diplomatic fiction that the Southern States are included in the Union, if they become independent. It has been our rule in all cases, after the lapse of a sufficient period to test the issue, to recognize de facto independence. But such time has not yet elapsed. It would be, in fact, an adhesion to the South for us to acknowledge its revolt before the United States' government have even explained their policy, or shown in a single instance how they intend to deal with the contumacious States, and a step not in us the more respectable, but the more thoroughly ignominious, on account of the selfish tariff policy of the North. Nor is there any danger of such a false step with our present rulers. The American fanatics who wish to persuade themselves that in England the coarsest self-interest overrules every other consideration, are crying out that we shall grasp at the bribe offered us by the more rational tariff of the South. But, in fact, it would be the insanest as well as the most immoral policy to permit this consideration to influence us at all. For what Iwould it amount to ? To this, that it is better for English interests to establish an independent nation round the Gulf of Mexico adopting the double policy of Slavery and Free Trade,-than that the States round injustice of a law which he described as saying: "You of the South shall not import Negroes from Africa, though you of the North may import Jackasses from Malta,”— and doubtless it is his own and many of his colleagues' intention to agitate for the repeal of the restriction, so soon as they shall have consolidated in one Confederation as many States as they are able to tempt out of the old Union. At present they are consulting the scruples of the feeble-minded, deferring to the weaker consciences of Virginia and Kentucky. The ordinance against the SlaveTrade is "milk for babes:" the meat will come later. Once let them see their way clear to independence and a Mexican extension, and then old-world scruples, as Mr. Yancey calls them, will be cast to the winds. Therefore, we think that in recognizing whenever we are compelled by common sense to recognize, the accomplished fact of their independence, we ought to give them fair warning that in case they ever repeal that ordinance, either actually or virtually, it will become a ground of serious difference with us: that we are prepared to enter into a close compact with the Northern Union to put an end to this shameful traffic forever,and that their attempt to renew it, should they ever venture on it, would not be allowed to stand in our way. |