XXIV. 1792. and contemned, and whom they vainly hoped by BOOK these means to intimidate, they should at the same time recommend themselves to the nation at large, with whom it was certain they ardently wished to cultivate a good understanding. "During the whole of our journey, (says an intelligent traveller, December 1792) we remarked that the apprehension of a war with England was peculiarly painful to the French. Though flushed with their late successes, and confident against a world in arms, it was evident there was nothing they dreaded more than such an event: not merely on account of the mischief that might ensue, but because it would force them to regard as enemies the only nation in Europe they considered as their friends. All along the road they anxiously asked us what we thought would be the consequence of the armament in England? We frankly told them, we presumed it would be war-and generally observed a moment of silence and dejection follow the delivery of our opinion. The imminence of hostilities, however, in no degree diminished the respect they shewed us as Englishmen ; and not only we did not meet with any thing like an insult in the whole of our tour, but on the contrary we experienced every, where particular kindness and attention. They seemed eager to court our good opinion, and frequently begged us not to ascribe to a whole nation the faults of individuals, and not to charge their government with disorders its present state of vacillation rendered it incompetent to repress. I confess I should never have suspected that I was travelling among a nation of savages, madmen, and assassins-I should rather have wished, with SHAKSPEARE, "that these contending kingdoms, England and France, whose very shores look pale With envy of each other's happiness, May lose their hatred." Vide Tour hrough the Theatre of War,' A. D. 1792. BOOK XXIV. 1792. The decree passed on the 19th of November had already left little to fill up of the measure of their iniquity, in the view of the court of London; and, in combination with the obnoxious addresses, it was regarded as nothing less than an act of open aggression. Certainly the English government had just cause of resentment, and an undoubted right to adequate reparation. Unhappily the court of London, inflamed with indignation, sought not reparation merely, but revenge. Her measures being now determined on, a royal proclamation was issued December 1, 1792, announcing the alarming intelligence," that, notwithstanding the late proclamation of the 21st of May, the utmost industry was still employed by evil-disposed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert with persons in foreign parts, with a view to subvert the laws and constitution; and that a spirit of tumult and disorder, thereby excited, had lately shown itself in acts of riot and INSURRECTIONAnd that, these causes moving him thereto, his majesty had resolved forthwith to embody part of the militia of the kingdom." On the same day another proclamation was issued for convening the parliament (which stood prorogued to the 3d of January, 1793) on the 13th of December; the law requiring, that if the militia be drawn out during the recess of parliament, and this it can only be in case of invasion The public alarm caused by these proceedings A plot in was inexpressible. Sullen suspicion and anxious disguise. dread sat on every countenance. All were convinced of the existence of a PLOT; which was so much the more terrible, from its being invisible and incomprehensible. The minister did not disdain to heighten the general consternation by the palpable artifices of marching troops to the metro polis, of doubling the guard at the Bank, and of repairing the fortifications of the Tower. convened: On the meeting of parliament on the day ap- Parliament pointed, the expressions of the first proclamation were repeated in his majesty's speech; towards the conclusion of which the real views of the court became sufficiently manifest. I have," said his majesty," carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal government of France: but it is impossible for me to see without the most serious uneasiness the strong and increasing indications which have appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and pursue views of conquest and aggrandizement, as well as to adopt towards my allies the States General measures which were neither conformable to the law of BOOK nations nor to the positive stipulations of existing XXIV. treaties. Under these circumstances his majesty 1792. thought it right to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which he was entrusted by law, and to make some augmen. tation of his naval and military force." On moving the address in answer to the speech, a memorable debate arose. Never did the strength and superiority of Mr. Fox's genius appear perhaps so conspicuous as in this moment of national infatuation. "This," said Mr. Fox, "is the most momentous crisis, not only that I have ever known, but that I have read of in the history of this country—a crisis not merely interesting to ourselves, but to all nations; and on the conduct of parliament depends the fate of the British constitution-perhaps the future happiness of mankind. His majesty's speech contains a variety of assertions of the most extraordinary nature. We are told there exists at this moment an insurrection in this kingdom.-An INSURRECTION!-Where is it? Where has it reared its head? Although this insurrection has existed fourteen days, ministers have given us no light whatever, no clue, no information where to find it. There have been, as I understand, and as every one must have heard, some slight riots in different parts; but I ask, Were the various pretexts of these different tumults false, and used only to cover an attempt to destroy our happy constitution? I have XXIV. 1792. heard of a tumult at Shields, of another at Leith, BOOK of something of the same nature at Yarmouth and Dundee. But were the sailors who demanded an increase of their wages actuated by a design of overthrowing the constitution? Is there a man in England who is credulous enough to believe it?The address now moved says modestly, We are sorry to hear there is an insurrection.' Of the tumults in the sea-ports we had some previous knowledge, but the insurrection we learn from his majesty's speech. It has been alleged, as a proof of disaffection, that the countenances of many wore the face of joy when the intelligence arrived of the duke of Brunswic's retreat. What! is it a sufficient demonstration of republicanism, that men should rejoice in the discomfiture of the armies of despotism combating against liberty? Could any man who loves the constitution of this country wish success to the duke of Brunswic, after reading a manifesto which violated every principle of justice, humanity, freedom, and true government?-Who will dare to defend that system of tyranny and coercion which insists that Englishmen shall not indulge any genuine feelings of their own-which tells them that they must not think but by permission—that they must rejoice and grieve as it suits the caprice or the pleasure of the ministers? Are we to arraign a man for his secret and supposed designs, and arrogate to our |