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was for the time in favour of the principles of Liberalism as embodied in Mr. Gladstone's policy, and it was obviously the most dignified and sensible course which the Administration could adopt to accept that verdict and to march out with the honours of war. It was as obviously wise and dignified on the part of Mr. Disraeli to advise the Queen to send at once for Mr. Gladstone. Under ordinary conditions it might have been advisable to recommend as the future Minister one of those public men whom the Saturday Review called "the well-placed dummies of the Whigs." This, however, was no ordinary occasion. The defeat of the Government was entirely the work of Mr. Gladstone and his Radical followers; the principle which had brought about that defeat-the disestablishment of the Irish Church-was notoriously opposed to the views and wishes of the Whigs as a party, and it was only in accordance with custom that the spoils of office should belong to the victor.

CHAPTER XII.

MR. GLADSTONE'S GOVERNMENT, 1868-74.

The new Administration-Meeting of Parliament-Queen's Speech-The debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Opinions of the Press-Dangers to private property-Debate on the Irish Church Bill-Speech on the third eading-Trinity House banquet-Mr. Lowe rebuked-Prorogation-Session of 1870-Queen's Speech-Irish Land Bill-The Irish policy of the Government-Irish Land Bill-The Ballot-"Lothair"-The critics-Mr. Goldwin Smith-The fables of the Edinburgh-The Saturday Review-Coincidences -Public demand for the Book-Speech on the State of the Continent — Lord Granville's "surprise"-Buckinghamshire manifestoes-Session of 1871-Queen's Speech-Debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli's speechAppreciation of Lord Clarendon-Fenianism and the United States Governinent-An incompetent Administration-On the Declaration of Paris-Mr. Lowe's Budget-The Match Tax-The Leader of the Opposition and his criticism The Charge of "hounding on the country "-War Taxation in time of Peace-Direct v. Indirect Taxation-Military Reform-The Abolition of Purchase-Mr. Gladstone's coup d'état-Mr. Disraeli's comment-Appeals to the Prerogative of the Crown-Ballot-The Government determined to force the Bill through the House-Tactics of the Government-A Pythagorean system of legislation - Prorogation-A Confession of Failure-Mr. Disraeli at Hughenden-The Health of the Queen-Telegraph absurdities-Ministerial Apologies and Explanations-The new Session-Debate on the Address -The Collier scandal-The Ewelme Rectory job-Personal Government in excelsis-The Washington Treaty-Mr. Disraeli in Manchester-The Pomona Palace demonstration-Speech in the Free Trade Hall on ReformOn the improved condition of the working classes-The policy of the Government-The Treaty of 1856-A Policy of Sewage-No sign of a return to office-Constitutional dinner at the Crystal Palace - Mr. Disraeli's speech-A Wasted Session-Session of 1873-The San Juan award-The Geneva award-The debate on the Address-National indignation-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Irish University education-The Government Bill-Why the Tories opposed it-Mr. Disraeli's speech-What the Government had done-The Fate of the Government sealed-In a Minority of three-Resig

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nation of Ministers-Mr. Disraeli summoned-Refuses to take office without a dissolution of Parliament-Mr. Gladstone's ingenuous explanations-Mr. Disraeli's reply-His letter to the Queen-Position of the Tory party-The Burials Bill—Mr. Lowe's last Budget-Amendment on the Report-Close of the Session-The Bath Election-Lord Beaconsfield at Glasgow-Speech as Lord Rector-Banquet in the City Hall-The Tories not anxious to be rid of him-Rest and retirement-Mr. Gladstone dissolves Parliament on the eve of its meeting-His manifesto to Greenwich-Mr. Disraeli's address to the Electors of Bucks-The Election of 1874-Speech at AylesburyForeign policy-The state of the Elections-The Liberal Government abandons its intention of meeting Parliament--Mr. Gladstone gives up the seals of office-The Session opens on the 19th of March-Conclusion. MR. DISRAELI having thus gracefully made way for his successful opponent, Mr. Gladstone had an audience of the Queen at Windsor on the 4th of December, and on the following day arrangements were so far matured that the new Premier was able to submit a tolerably complete list of his Cabinet for acceptance. On the 9th the outgoing Ministers delivered up the seals of office, and on the same day the members of the new Administration were sworn in. It will probably be sufficient to recall the fact that Mr. Gladstone was supported by Lord Hatherley (Sir W. Page Wood) as Lord Chancellor, Mr. Lowe as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office, Lord Granville at the Colonial, and Mr. Bruce (now Lord Aberdare) at the Home. Mr. Childers was First Lord of the Admiralty, and Mr. Chichester Fortescue Chief Secretary for Ireland. The appointment which excited most comment was, however, that of Mr. Bright, who, in spite of many and reiterated protestations that nothing would induce him to accept office, consented to accept the comparatively minor post of President of the Board of Trade. Higher office was understood to have been pressed upon him but steadfastly refused. Lord Russell had been asked to take part in the Administration, but refused.

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Sir George Grey also preferred to give to the new Government an independent support, and Sir Roundell Palmer, whom everybody had expected to see elevated to the Chancellorship, found himself compelled, by reason of his conscientious views on the Irish Church question, to remain outside the Cabinet.

Parliament met for the election of the Speaker and in order to swear in the new Lord Chancellor in the middle of December, and new writs having been issued for the re-election of those members of the Government who sat in the House of Commons, an adjournment was taken to the 16th of February, 1869. On that day Parliament was opened by Commission, the chief point of interest in the Queen's Speech being of course the Irish Church question, concerning which "My Lords and Gentlemen" were informed that "the ecclesiastical arrangements of Ireland will be brought under your consideration at a very early date, and the legislation which will be necessary in order to their final adjustment will make the largest demands upon the wisdom of Parliament. I am persuaded that in the prosecution of the work you will bear a careful regard to every legitimate interest which it may involve, and that you will be governed by the constant aim to promote the welfare of religion through the principles of equal justice, to secure the action of the undivided feeling and opinion of Ireland on the side of loyalty and law, to efface the memory of former contentions, and to cherish the sympathies of an affectionate people "—an astounding sentence, which drew from even friendly critics the remark that the first act of the new Government was one of disrespect to the Sovereign, inasmuch as they had put an amazing piece of bad grammar into her mouth.

Mr. Disraeli spoke on the Address, criticising it briefly, but

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moving no amendment. Except on this occasion, he did not again address the House at any length until the 18th of March, when Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church Bill came on for second reading. He had not opposed the bringing in of the Bill, on the ground that the verdict of the country had been that the new Government should have an opportunity of dealing with the matter, and he therefore asked only for sufficient time for consideration. Three days later Mr. Gathorne Hardy gave notice that the Leader of the Opposition would, as an amendment to the Second Reading, move that the Bill be read a second time on that day six months. In opposing the Bill he dwelt chiefly upon its confiscatory character, pointing out that the relations of the State with regard to corporations are mainly those of a trustee to his ward, and that if the precedent of confiscation by such an officer were once set, there would be an end to the security of property and a collapse of the credit of the country. Further-corporate property, whether the gift of the State (which is rare) or the donation of private persons (which is usually the case), is the property, not of the State, but of the nation. If such property be confiscated, the worst results usually ensue, either on the one hand, civil disturbance or insurrection, or on the other, a chronic state of discontent and disaffection. The Government, recognizing the existence of discontent in Ireland, already proposed to cure it by disendowing one of the three Churches existing in the country, a step which promised less to allay disaffection than to create it amongst a class hitherto untouched by it. Those who had anticipated that Lord Beaconsfield would bring forward a counter-scheme of disestablishment-and there were a good many who had innocently swallowed the gobemouche stories of