Defeat of the Government.

49

The Bill came on for second reading on the night of the 19th of February, and was encountered by an amendment from Mr. Milner Gibson (who had succeeded in getting a seat for Ashton) which turned the question practically into one of confidence in Lord Palmerston's foreign policy, and round that subject the whole discussion of the evening revolved. Mr. Disraeli wound up the debate on the side of the Opposition by a careful and argumentative speech, designed to show that whereas the first reading had been carried by a large majority (200, in a house of 299), in order that the House might manifest its sympathy with the people and the Government of France, there was no reason now why members should be prevented from offering a criticism on the conduct of their own Government. The despatch of Count Walewski, which had been found so obnoxious, remained unanswered; and yet upon it Lord Palmerston was actually asking the House to legislate. Such a policy he stigmatized as "perplexed, timid, confused, and unsatisfactory," and of the Government he declared that they had "totally forgotten what was due to their own dignity; that they were never recalled to that self-respect, which they ought at once to have displayed, till they found that the House of Commons turned round upon them and demanded that that should be done which the Ministers of England-those to whom the preservation of the honour of their country was entrusted-had failed to accomplish."

Mr. Gladstone had spoken in the same sense, and Lord Palmerston, conscious that the feeling of the House was against him, made but a lame defence. The House divided, and to their extreme astonishment Ministers found themselves in a minority of 19. Mr. Ashley-who, by the way, gives a

VOL. II.

E

very one-sided account of Lord Beaconsfield's share in this business says that "Ministers when they went down to the House of Commons on the afternoon of this 19th of February, did not anticipate even a narrow division, much less a crisis;" and he adds that "many of those who voted in the majority did not wish to overthrow his (Lord Palmerston's) Government; and had he thought fit to appeal to the House of Commons for a vote of confidence, it would probably have accorded it." To this belief there will now, however, be few adherents. The popularity of Lord Palmerston had long been waning, and his was essentially a "one man Government." It needed, indeed, all the prestige of his name and character to cover the blunders of his subordinates, and even that did not always suffice. The country was deeply and bitterly disgusted with the incapacity which had been shown in crushing out the Indian mutiny; it was not enthusiastically delighted with those little wars of which Lord Palmerston generally contrived to have one or two on hand, and sundry recent appointments, political as well as ecclesiastical, had created a great deal of ill-feeling. He exercised, therefore, a wise discretion in at once placing his resignation in the hands of Her Majesty, who, sending for Lord Derby, entrusted him with the formation of a Government. The fact was notified in both Houses of Parliament on Monday the 23rd, and four days later Lord Derby's arrangements were completed.

Lord Derby's new ministry was strong in its individual members, though it could not command an absolute majority in the House. The divided and disorganized condition of parties effectually prevented that result for some time to come; but there was good reason for believing that a fair amount of

The New Ministry.

51

support in general matters might be looked for from the Peelites, who still exercised a certain amount of influence, though as a corporate body they had long ceased to exist. There was, however, reason to hope that by force of personal character the Cabinet might exercise a greater power than at first seemed probable. Lord Derby was supported in the Upper House by the Marquis of Salisbury and Lords Chelmsford, Hardwicke and Malmesbury, whilst Mr. Disraeli in the Lower shared the Treasury Bench with Sir John Pakington, Mr. Walpole, General Peel, Lord John Manners and Mr. Henley. Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Hugh Cairns were respectively Attorney and Solicitor General, and Mr. Gathorne Hardy made his début in official life as Under Secretary at the Home Office. The greatest accession to the strength of the Government was, however, the acceptance of office by Lord Ellenborough as President of the Board of Control-an appointment which afforded a promise, not afterwards disappointed, of a wise, strong and statesmanlike policy for India. The Whigs, following the lead of Lord Macaulay, have, it may be remarked, uniformly depreciated the powers and character of this statesman. It may be admitted that he was not always conspicuous as the wisest of men-especially when manifestoes designed for oriental eyes came to be measured by the cut and dry rules of Whig officialism; but that he was a great and capable statesman is a fact concerning which there can hardly be two opinions. His conduct at the Board of Control during his unfortunately too brief tenure of office, certainly affords no reason for impugning this verdict.

CHAPTER IX.

IN OFFICE, 1858-1859.

Lord Derby reluctant to take Office-Mr. Disraeli's Address-Speech from the Hustings Foreign Policy of the Government-Reform-The French Alliance -Lord Malmesbury's Despatch-The Emperor's Pamphlet-The Cagliari Business-Mr. Disraeli's Speech-General Business of the House-ReformThe India Bill—First reading-Compromise-Resolutions-The New Bill— Rebellion in Oude-Lord Canning's Proclamation-Censure by the Government-Lord Ellenborough's Retirement-Montalembert's Pamphlet -The Slough Dinner-The "Cabal " Debates on the Speech-Mr. Disraeli on his Defence Financial Policy of the Government-The Budget-Reduction of the Income Tax-Equalization of the Spirit Duties-Budget well received— Cost of Whig Foreign Policy-State of the Thames-A Government Measure-Prorogation-Speech from the Throne-The Recess Impending War between Austria and France-England the Mediator-Reform-Retirement of Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley-Difficulties of the Government-Session of 1859-The Queen's Speech-Debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli on ItalyReform-The Government Bill-Fancy Franchises-Redistribution-The Bill unpopular-Debate on the Second Reading-Tactics of the Opposition— Lord John Russell's Amendment-State of Europe-Defeat of the Government-Ministerial Statements-The impending Dissolution-Statement on Condition of Europe -The Dissolution-Mr. Disraeli in BuckinghamshireThe enormous lies" of the Opposition press-Results of the Election-The Queen opens Parliament-Lord Hartington moves an Amendment to the Address-Sir James Graham's Accusations against the Government—Mr. Disraeli's Reply-On Foreign Policy-On Reform-How can a New Government be formed-The Division-Out of Office once more.

HAD such a step been possible, there can be no doubt that Lord Derby would have declined to attempt the formation of a Government in 1858. Seeing, however, that the effect of doing so would have been to confess the annihilation of the Tory

Mr. Disraelis Address.

53

party, he was forced to go on in spite of the facts that he could not command a Parliamentary majority, that Lord Palmerston still enjoyed a considerable amount of what now appears a wholly unwarranted popularity, and that the relations of this country with foreign powers, and especially with France, were in a state of tension of the most perilous kind. In his address to the electors of Buckinghamshire, Mr. Disraeli made special reference to the latter fact, "The circumstances of the country are," said he, "in many respects critical. Painful misconceptions have arisen with the Government of that faithful and powerful ally, who in so many instances has proved his good feeling and fidelity to this country. Believing that a cordial alliance between England and France is equally conducive to the interests of both countries, I shall express my hope and conviction, that by measures at once firm and conciliatory, these causes of misunderstanding may be speedily and entirely removed."

In his address to the electors from the hustings, he enlarged on this text at some length, pointing out the eminent desirability of maintaining the Anglo-French alliance, both on our own account and in the general interests of Europe. "It is," said he, "the essence of English policy, and not only of English policy but of French policy also, that there should be an alliance between England and France. It is an alliance founded upon a principle totally independent of forms of government, totally independent of dynasties, totally independent even of the character of the rulers of that country. indeed, so happen that the present ruler of France is a man eminently gifted, who from a variety of circumstances naturally exercises a great influence over events. The Emperor Napoleon

It does,