consideration upon which it hinged. These were artifices too palpable to deceive children. He hoped that a consideration of these points would induce that House to take away some of that confidence which, by their duty to their constituents, they never ought to give, and which they were now bound to recal.

Mr. Fox concluded with declaring, that, previous to the meeting of parliament, he had determined in his own mind to say nothing in any debate on the subject, respecting the conduct of Lord Cornwallis; and he would never have departed from that resolution, had he not been called upon and provoked to deliver his opinion by the words of the speech, and the arguments of those who moved and seconded the address; had he not been called upon to applaud abilities, of which their conduct afforded him no proofs, and to congratulate success, which the state of our affairs in India by no means seemed to warrant, from any information which had yet been laid before that House.

The question was put and carried on each of the motions, except the last, which was negatived without a division.

STATE OF THE PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

February 17.

HE House having resolved itself into a committee of the

Twhole House, in which the Earl of Mornington was chair

man, to consider of so much of his majesty's speech, at the opening of the session, as relates to the public income and expenditure, the following paragraphs from the speech were read:

It will, I am persuaded, give you great satisfaction to learn, that the extraordinary expences incurred in the course of the last year have, in a great measure, been already defrayed by the grants of the session. The state of our resources will, I trust, be found more than sufficient to provide for the remaining part of these expences, as well as for the current service of the year, the esti mates for which I have directed to be laid before you.-I entertain the pleasing hope, that the reductions which may be found practicable in the establishments, and the continued increase in the revenue, will enable you, after making due provision for the several branches of the public service, to enter upon a system of gradually relieving my subjects from some part of the existing taxes; at the same time giving additional efficacy to the plan for reduction of the national debt, on the success of which our future ease and security essentially depend. With a view to this important object, let me also recommend it to you to turn your attention to the consideration of such measures as the state of the funds and

of public credit may render practicable and expedient; towards a reduction in the rate of interest of any of the annuities which are now redeemable." Mr. Pitt then rose, and in a most eloquent speech, represented the state of the finances of the country in so favourable a light, that a diminution of the public burthens might reasonably be expected. The amount of the permanent revenue, with the land and malt duties annexed, from January 1791 to January 1792, he estimated at 16,730,000l. being 500,000l. more than the average of the preceding four years. The permanent expenditure, including the interest of the debt, the annual million applied towards its extinction, the civil list, and the military and naval establishments, he calculated at 15,810,000l. leaving a clear surplus of more than 900,000l. In this state of things he thought, himself authorized to propose the repeal of a part of the more burdensome taxes, to the amount of about 200,000l. per annum; and at the same time to apply the sum of 400,000l. to the reduction of the national debt, in aid of the annual million appropriated by parliament. This would still fall far short of his estimate of the national ability, and there was good ground to believe that we had not reached by many degrees the summit of our prosperity. When the debentures to the American loyalists should be discharged, which would happen in about four years, an addition of near 300,000l. would accrue to the revenue. In consequence of the general improvement of credit, the 3 per cents. would soon rise so high as to enable the parliament to effect a reduction of the 4, and, as soon as by law redeemable, of the 5 per cents, which would add the sum of 700,000l. or little less to the sinking fund. The indefinite additions which might be expected from the increasing produce of the existing taxes, the result of our rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all calculation. Our exports had risen one-third in value since the year 1783, viz. from 14,741,000l. to 20,120,000l. and our internal trade had increased in at least an equal proportion. Thus should we be enabled to make a swiftly accelerated progress in the essential work of liquidating the national debt, and in a very short space of time to reach a point which perhaps not long since was thought too distant for calculation. On the continuance of our present prosperity it was indeed impossible to count with certainty; but unquestionably there never was a time when, from the situation of Europe, we might more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the present moment. Mr. Pitt concluded with these words: "From the result of the whole, I trust I am entitled to assert, that the scene which we are now contemplating is not the transient effect of accident, not the short-lived prosperity of a day, but the genuine and natural result of regular and permanent causes. The season of our severe trial is at an end, and we are at length relieved, not only from the dejection and gloom which, a few years since, hung over the country, but from the doubt and uncertainty which, even for a considerable time after our prospect had begun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes and expectations of the public. We may yet, indeed, be subject to those fluctuations which often happen in the affairs of a great nation, and which it is impossible to cal

culate or foresee; but as far as there can be any reliance on human, speculations, we have the best ground, from the experience of the past, to look with satisfaction to the present, and with confidence to the future. "Nunc demum redit animus, cum non spem modo ac votum securitas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam et robur assumpserit." This is a state not of hope only, but of attainment; not barely the encouraging prospect of future advantage, but the solid and immediate benefit of present and actual possession.". After some strictures on Mr. Pitt's speech by Mr. Sheridan,

Mr. Fox, after a short allusion to the triumph of this jubilee of finance, and stating that the business of the day was of the utmost importance, took occasion to pay a compliment to the eloquence of Mr. Pitt, and to the philosophical principles of government on which he had argued. He said the right honourable gentleman had enumerated the causes of national prosperity with truth and splendor. He subscribed to his statement cordially, and if he did not himself go over the same ground, it was because he had nothing to add to what had been already said, nor could he hope to express it better. But he begged to be understood, that these reasons were all applicable to the prosperity of the country, not merely to the prosperity of the revenue. The right honourable gentleman had fairly said, that above all, they were to be ascribed to the happy form of our constitution. If this was trueand that it was so, every gentleman would concur -it was their duty to maintain the constitution by that vigilance and jealousy which were the chief duties of that House, and to take care that no attempts should be made under any colour or pretext to trench on any of its vital parts; and so far from thinking with the honourable gentleman who had spoken last (Mr. Drake), that we could not value our present situation too highly, he thought we were in danger from being lulled into an excess of security. He was drawn to this observation, naturally from the business of this day; for he was still of the opinion that he had delivered on the first day of the session, namely, that there was in the manner of introducing this proposition such a violation of a most valuable principle, and such an insult on the House of Commons, as demanded their most serious reflection. It had been too often his duty to remark the variety of abuses which had been suffered during the administration of the right honourable gentleman, and which, indeed, had marked his ministry more, perhaps, than any other that had ever occurred in this country. There seemed to be a regular and systematic intention in his majesty's ministers to annihilate the functions of that House, and to arrogate to government every measure that properly belonged to them. The nation was made to look lightly on the popular

branch of the legislature, and in every instance to turn their eyes to government, as to the fountain of every good. In this view he had stated the recommendation in his majesty's speech from the throne, in regard to the repeal of taxes, as an attempt to take from that House, in truth, the power of deliberation, the freedom of debate. Instead of coming unfettered to the consideration of the present state of the public income and expenditure, so far as to enable them to form a free judgment whether, consistently with their honest duty to the empire, they might relieve their constituents from some part of their burdens, they were put into the unseemly state of either complying implicitly with his majesty's recommendation, or of being considered by their constituents as the opposers of the boon which he had held out to them. I complain (said Mr. Fox) for the constitution, violated by this proceeding-I complain for the popular branch of the legislature insulted I complain for the people, really and effectually cheated by this insidious intervention, calculated to divert them from their true guardian and servant, the House of Commons, and to delude them, by fixing their hopes on the government. I am not afraid of unpopularity in the honest discharge of my duty. I am not afraid of encountering all the hazards of artful misrepresentation; but I complain that I am put into a situation where I cannot exercise my judgment, where I cannot pronounce my opinion that this is not the moment when parliament can safely, prudently, or honestly surrender any part of the existing revenue, and where I cannot oppose the measure without the fear of bringing on the country a greater and more alarming evil, than by complying against my judgment.

Not only had his majesty been unconstitutionally advised to come down and recommend this measure, contrary to the first principles of parliament, but, to add to the impropriety, the minister coming immediately from the closet, had pointed out as a second part of the same speech, the very taxes which ought to be repealed; thus taking it out of the hands of parliament to revise the whole, and see which of them, if any, could be repealed, which were most grievous to the public, and thereby conciliating themselves with their constituents by proving that they were attentive to their interests. Instead of coming forward handsomely and fairly as he ought to have done, and stating the income on the one side, and the expenditure on the other, and calling on the House to take the condition of the public revenue into their consideration, and see if they could not spare something to the people, the right honourable gentleman came down with a declared surplus, for which he had no experience, in one hand, and a number of

odious and unpopular taxes mostly of his own imposing, in the other, and thereby made it impossible for the House to hesitate in their compliance. Can I (exclaimed Mr. Fox) object to the repeal of the malt tax-I, who opposed it so pointedly, when imposed by the right honourable gentleman last year ? Can I object to the repeal of the tax on female servants, a tax which I always thought odious and abominable? I cannot-the House cannot, and with their eyes open to the impropriety of the measure of giving up revenue without an experience that we can afford it, we are brought to a situation in which we cannot deliberate on the measure.

The question, to have been stated fairly, should have been as follows: there is a surplus of 400,000l. Will you apply it all towards the extinction of the national debt, or towards the immediate relief of the burdens of the people, or partly to the one and partly to the other? Stated in this manner, the House would have come fairly to the exercise of their deliberative powers; and he had no hesitation in saying, that if the question had been so stated to him, he would have answered, in the present situation of things, acting on a consistent principle, and desirous of having the benefit of experience, that the whole ought to be applied towards the diminution of the national debt. In saying this, he would at least have the credit of a sincere opinion; for evidently he courted no party on the occasion. He could not court the king, for the king had in his speech recommended the measure. It was not a declaration by which he could expect to court the people, for evidently the repeal of a temporary burden, however it might operate in throwing disorder into the finances of the kingdom, disturbing the credit, and finally of imposing more grievous burdens, would yet be popular, and an objection to it the contrary. But if he had to answer that question simply, he would do it, and maintain it on arguments provided for him by the right honourable gentleman. He would use his own words. He would take his own system. He would prove that his own principles were clearly against the measure which he now proposed. He would shew, even from what the right honourable gentleman had said that night, that when self was out of the question, he was still of opinion that the measure now proposed was erroneous and detrimental. For, said the right honourable gentleman, in the year 1808, when by the operation of the plan for diminishing the debt, there would be a sum of four millions applicable to this object, he would take care that no minister of that day should have it in his power to do, what he was doing in this, with only four hundred thousand pounds, instead of four millions. Here, when he was impartial, and when he was not acting for himself and his faction,