against the publication and sale of seditious writings, with strong injunctions to all persons to inform against those who should be guilty of such offence. The proclamation having been laid before the House, Sir R. P. Arden, the master of the rolls, moved, on the 25th, an address of approbation and support to his majesty. The address was opposed by Mr. Grey with much warmth, and the proclamation itself condemned in severe terms as a measure insidious and pernicious. The "diligent enquiry" enjoined by the proclamation after the authors and distributers of wicked and seditious writings, could only tend to establish an odious and arbitrary system of espionage. This was the system which had made the old government of France so much the object of general detestation, and it was a system unworthy of the sovereign of a free people to recommend. Mr. Grey strongly intimated his belief, that the real object of the proclamation was merely to discredit the late association of the Friends of the People, in the view of the public. The measure, he said, was insidiously contrived, and adopted with no other view than to separate those who had been so long connected. It was a measure concerted by him whose greatest delight was to see discord supersede harmony among those who opposed his measures. Never was there a man

in that House who delighted more in these sinister practices than the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer. He whose whole political life had been a tissue of inconsistency, of assertion and retraction; he who never proposed a measure without intending to delude his hearers, who promised every thing and performed nothing, who studied all the arts of obtaining popularity, without ever intending to deserve it, who was a complete apostate from the first step of his political career, down to the present moment, and whose political malignity was now to be crowned, by an endeavour to separate the dearest friends. As to the part he had taken, he was ready to answer for it whenever called upon; and whether he should differ from, or agree with, most of those with whom he had the pleasure to act, he should always entertain the same sentiments of esteem for them. Still more particularly must he acknowledge the friendship and favor he had received from Mr. Fox; a man whom he had too much affection for to flatter-a man whose virtues he could never forget, nor the honour he derived from his acquaintanceDum memor ipse mei -a man, who though placed in a situation of extreme delicacy, between friends of different opinions, and for whom he had an equal degree of affection, yet, even in such a situation, had manifested an elevation of soul, a dignity of deportment, a nobility of principle, a consistency of conduct, that cast a lustre on his unrivalled talents, and adorned his virtues. He should now move the following amendment:

"That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to thank his majesty for the gracious communication he has been pleased to make to this House of his majesty's royal proclamation: to assure his majesty that his faithful commons will be at all times ready to manifest their attachment to his majesty's royal family and person, and to that happy constitution of this country as established at the time of the glorious revolution, by openly resisting, to the utmost

of their power and ability, wherever they may appear, any attempts which aim at the subversion of all regular government within this kingdom, and which are inconsistent with the peace and order of society. To assure his majesty, that his faithful commons most cordially participate in the gracious sentiments expressed by his majesty; and that there is nothing they so earnestly desire, as to secure the public peace and prosperity; and to preserve to a loyal people the full enjoyment of their rights, both religious and civil. That they are confident this benevolent desire cannot be defeated, when they consider his majesty's paternal care and regard for his people; and the fixed attachment which his majesty's faithful subjects bear to the happy form of our government, and the genuine principles of the constitution. These his majesty's faithful commons cherish as objects of just affection; not from any implicit reverence, or habitual superstition, but as institutions best calculated to secure the blessings of liberty and order; and because they are convinced, that on them the wealth, happiness, and prosperity of this kingdom, under Divine Providence, chiefly depend: humbly to represent to his majesty, that if any wicked and seditious writings have been printed, published, and industriously dispersed, tending to excite tumult and disorder, by endeavouring to raise groundless jealousies and discontents in the minds of his majesty's faithful and loving subjects, respecting the laws and happy constitution of government, civil and religious, established in this kingdom, and endeavouring to villify and bring into contempt the wise and wholesome provisions made at the glorious revolution; that his majesty's faithful commons, at the same time that they cannot help expressing their strongest disapprobation of all such proceedings, humbly conceive that his majesty's government is already vested with sufficient powers to punish any open violation of the laws; and that if any writings, which his majesty's ministers consider as proper objects of prosecution, have, for any length of time, been published and circulated, without notice, the said ministers have been guilty of criminal neglect, in not sooner instituting prosecutions, for the purpose of bringing to punishment the authors of such publications: farther to represent to his majesty, that if upon this ground alone his majesty had been advised to issue his royal proclamation, his majesty's faithful commons, with the firmest confidence in his majesty's gracious and benevolent intentions, feel themselves in duty bound humbly to express their regret, that his majesty should have been induced to take a measure, which, under such circumstances, they cannot but regard as unnecessary, and which may produce the effect of exciting groundless alarms and suspicions in the minds of his majesty's faithful and loving people: to assure his majesty, that his faithful commons are always ready zealously to concur with his majesty in such measures as may be found most effectual for the suppression of all riots, tumults, or other disorders, on whatever pretexts they may be grounded, as well as to use all legal means for the prevention of similar disorders in future: to express to his majesty the deep regret that his majesty's faithful commons felt at the tumults and disorders which took place at Birmingham in the course of the

last summer, to the disgrace of all good government, the utter subversion of law, and the destruction of the security and property of his majesty's most faithful subjects. Humbly to suggest to his majesty, as the surest means of averting the calamities inseparable from such disorders in future, and of discouraging and suppressing the lawless violence which gave occasion to them, the expediency of proceeding, with all the severity of the law, against such persons as may have been instrumental in aiding and abetting the said riots, who have not already been punished; and particularly to express their earnest wish, that speedy measures may be taken for the prosecution and punishment of such magistrates, as upon the aforesaid melancholy occasion, may appear to have been guilty of gross and criminal neglect in the discharge of their duty: these sentiments, dictated by an unfeigned love for his majesty's royal person and illustrious house, an anxious regard for the peace and happiness of the country, and a steady and zealous attachment to the true principles of our happy constitution of government in church and state, his majesty's faithful commons have thought it their duty to lay at the foot of the throne, humbly hoping that his majesty will be pleased to take them into his most gracious consideration, as the sentiments of men who have no interest but to preserve that freedom which is the birthright of all Englishmen, and who look to no means of doing so, but in the maintenance of good order, and a steady adherence and dutiful submission to the laws."

The original address was supported by Lord North, Mr. Baker, the Marquis of Titchfield, Mr Anstruther, Mr. Windham, Mr. Thomas Grenville, Mr. Secretary Dundas, Mr. Powys, Mr. Pitt, and others. The amendment was supported by Mr. Martin, Mr. Curwen, Mr. Courtenay, the Earl of Wycomb, Lord John Russell, Mr. William Adam, Mr. Francis, Major Maitland, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Lambton, and Mr. Fox.-Mr. Windham said, the pain of differing with many of those with whom he had the pleasure of concurring in general, was alleviated by the consideration that their difference was but on a single point, of means, not ends, of speculation rather than of practice. When this debate was at an end, on all other topics, to his own great happiness, and the ultimate interest of the country, they should act as cordially together as if no such difference had ever existed.

Mr. Fox said, that from delicacy to friends truly dear to him, he could have wished not to have been obliged to give any other than his vote upon this question; but as there was not likely to be a division, perhaps it might go forth into the country that he agreed with the sentiments of several persons on this subject, with whom it was his honour and happiness generally to act. He thought himself bound, therefore, to declare that he could not give his consent to a measure of which he totally and completely disapproved, as impolitic, unwise, and alarming. He disapproved of the proclamation, because it was insidious and ambiguous, because it evidently had

other purposes than those which it professed, and because it had all the features of that craft which belonged to the quarter from whence it came. Was it directed against Mr. Paine's book, the author and publisher of which were known? If so, why desire to discover the author and publishers? If it had a direct purpose, why not directly and unequivocally state it? Why, because it was the insidious intention to throw forth unnecessary alarm, and vague aspersions, that they might make it speak a different language to the country than that which they explained in this House. It was declared here not to be directed against the association of the Friends of the People, whatever aspect it might wear out of doors, and no measure that he ever saw had more the characteristic features of deceit and delusion than this proclamation. It might be asked, why, then, had some of his particular friends supported ministers in the measure? He would explicitly answer the question; they were, very unhappily for the country, made the dupes of the deep and artful design which ministers had in view. They were the dupes, from their sincere opinion, that a reform in the representation was not only not called for by any necessity, but would not be a good nor a wise measure; and that the agitation of the question would lead to uproar and mischief. In this opinion, which they entertained zealously and honestly, they had been led to engage, in this instance, with men very different from themselves; as different as despotism and tyranny from freedom and happiness as honesty and frankness, and honour and openness from cheating and fraud, Indeed, he himself stood in a very serious predicament; between friends on the one hand and on the other, who had all got into strange company. He himself had not signed the declaration upon which the Friends of the People had associated, and he could not subscribe to the principles upon which others of his friends supported the measure of this proclamation. On both sides there was a meeting of disjointed associations. In the year 1782, he remembered there was a meeting at the Thatched House, when the right honourable Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Richmond, Major Cartwright and Mr. Horne Tooke, all agreed to certain resolutions of reform. Now, by a strange association, one set of his friends had got into company with the two first of these four, and another set with the two last. The Friends of the People had disclaimed the imputation upon them, that they were connected with Mr. Cartwright and Mr. Tooke's doctrines but we had no disclaimer of the others. The right honourable gentleman and the Duke of Richmond had thought proper to change their opinions on the subject of reform; and not merely to change their opinions, but the right honourable

gentleman had brought forth a proclamation, and the noble duke was to head a camp, against it. He did not mean to say it was singular that the right honourable gentleman should change his sentiments upon any subject; he was so much in the habit of doing so upon all subjects, that one would think he had a patent for retraction, and a monopoly for change. There were few subjects upon which he had not utterly changed. Last year he had told the House, that we must have an expensive armament, because the country was in danger from the alarming attempt of Russia to obtain Oczakow and this year finding the country against him, he assured us we were in perfect safety, Russia having obtained the very place which made our danger. Last year he had said that we ought to repeal the penal statutes, as ignominious and disgraceful: this year he says, they ought to be preserved for edification, and to prevent scandal.

There was a passage, he said, in the proclamation which particularly struck him. It was this, that "the prosperity of the country depends on a just confidence in the integrity and wisdom of parliament." What must his friends think of such an expression as this coming from a ministry who had begun their career by declaring to the country that they ought not to have confidence in the integrity and wisdom of parliament? Did they not all recollect, that when the right honourable gentleman found the sense of that House against him, he advised his majesty not to pay respect to the wisdom and integrity of that House, but to dissolve them, and to shew the country that they ought not to have confidence but in him personally? To give the true meaning to this expression, therefore, there should be added these words: "As long as the parliament shall act agreeably to the king's executive government." So long and no longer were the people taught to have confidence in them. O admirable lesson to hold out to the country! O admirable doctrine to the parliament itself! Obey, and you shall be honoured with the titles of integrity and wisdom. Disobey, and you shall be dissolved, and branded with corruption and folly.

The plain intention of this proclamation was, to strive to make a division between that great body of united patriots, known by the name of the Whig interest; a party, the firm union of which he considered as of the utmost consequence, as, indeed, essential to the maintenance of the constitution. He knew of no plan so good, no object so desirable, as their firm union; and he was proud to say, that to divide them was impossible. They might think differently on particular subjects; but, united on principles so salutary for the nation, n arts, however insidious, could prevail in dividing them.