To effect this division the proclamation was intended, and not the writings of which it spoke. Those writings had been long before the public. The Associations of Manchester, and the Society for Constitutional Information, had long been formed, and if any alarm had been entertained of them, long ago the measures ought to have been taken. But, in truth, they made the alarm by this proclamation, and if riots were to be provoked, they were likely to be riots on the other side; for in all the riots that had happened, the cry of church and king was the pretence. Surely, then, the amendment of his honourable friend, mentioning the riots at Birmingham was proper, unless ministers wished to take up a party, and countenance a faction. It was not, in his opinion, a republican spirit that we had to dread in this country; there was no tincture of republicanism in the country. If there was any prevailing tendency to riot, it was on the other side. It was the high church spirit, and an indisposition to all reform, which marked, more than any thing else, the temper of the times, and surely if they looked back to the year 1780, or to the late riots at Birmingham, they would find that high church frenzy was the cause. When had the dissenters made a riot? As Swift had sarcastically said of the Whigs, that "he would not say that all Whigs were infidels, but he was sure that all infidels were staunch thorough-paced Whigs," so, though he could not say that all churchmen were rioters, yet it was certain that all the late rioters had been churchmen; and this intolerant and persecuting spirit had been made particularly manifest in the late riot at Birmingham, where, as they might see from the admirable book of his learned and dear friend, Dr. Parr, there were instances of want of the common feelings of honour and decency, in men with the education and rank of gentlemen.

Mr. Fox concluded with a warm and feeling allusion to the friends of his political life, from whose side he would never separate, to whose opinions he had often yielded fair objects of personal ambition, but whose union he considered so essential to the public good, that though, in the prosecution of their system, they were without hope of favour from the crown, and without thanks from the people, he knew and felt that they would have the reward of their own consciences and hearts; rewards that, to honest minds, were ample and satisfactory.

Mr. Pitt charged Mr. Fox with being the only person who saw no danger in the writings and doctrines which had recently gained ground. He could not, he said, reconcile such conduct with any spark of patriotism.

Mr. Fox defended himself against the imputations cast on him by the right honourable gentleman. He had accused him of not seeing danger in these writings and doctrines. He avowed that he did not see danger, because he knew that the good sense and constitutional spirit of the people of this country were a sure protection against the impolitic and absurd theories which were alluded to. And this had been uniformly the opinion of the right honourable gentleman himself, until he saw, or thought he saw, the means of stirring up division between the friends of freedom. The insinuation, that he must be actuated by motives hostile to the constitution, he would not condescend to reply to. Every measure of his life was a sufficient answer to a charge so little becoming the right honourable gentleman who made it. Let the right honourable gentleman, if he could, point out a single act that would justify the assertion!

The House sat till four in the morning, when the address proposed by the master of the rolls was agreed to without a division.

MR. FOX'S AMENDMENTS TO THE ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

this

December 13.

HE session was this day opened by his majesty, with the following speech to both Houses:

"My lords, and gentlemen; having judged it necessary to embody a part of the militia of this kingdom, I have, in pursuance of the provisions of the law, called you together within the time limited for that purpose, and it is on every account a great satisfaction to me to meet you in parliament at this conjuncture. — I should have been happy if I could have announced to you the secure and undisturbed continuance of all the blessings which my subjects have derived from a state of tranquillity; but events have recently occurred which require our united vigilance and exertion, in order to preserve the advantages which we have hitherto enjoyed. The seditious practices which had been in a great measure checked by your firm and explicit declaration in the last session, and by the general concurrence of my people in the same sentiments, have of late been more openly renewed, and with increased activity. A spirit of tumult and disorder (the natural consequence of such practices) has shewn itself in acts of riot and insurrection, which required the interposition of a military force in support of the civil magistrate. The industry employed to excite

discontent on various pretexts, and in different parts of the kingdom, has appeared to proceed from a design to attempt the destruction of our happy constitution, and the subversion of all order and government; and this design has evidently been pursued in connection and concert with persons in foreign countries. — I have carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but it is impossible for me to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which have appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement, as well as to adopt towards my allies the States General, (who have observed the same neutrality with myself,) measures which are neither comformable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties. Under all these circumstances, I have felt it my indispensable duty to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which I am entrusted by law; and I have also thought it right to take steps for making some augmentation of my naval and military force, being persuaded that these exertions are necessary in the present state of affairs, and are best calculated both to maintain internal tranquillity, and to render a firm and temperate conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace. Nothing will be neglected on my part that can contribute to that important object consistently with the security of my kingdoms, and with the faithful performance of engagements which we are bound equally by interest and honour to fulfil.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; I have ordered the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you; and I have no doubt that you will be ready to make a due provision for the several branches of the public service. You will certainly join with me in lamenting any necessity for extraordinary expences, which may for a time prevent the application of additional sums beyond those which are already annually appropriated to the reduction of the public debt, or retard the relief which my subjects might have derived from a further diminution of taxes: but I am confident you will feel that those great ends will ultimately be best promoted by such exertions as are necessary for our present and future safety and tranquillity; and it is a great consolation to me to reflect, that you will find ample resources for effectually defraying the expence of vigorous preparations, from the excess of the actual revenue beyond the ordinary expenditure.

"My lords, and gentlemen; I have great pleasure in acquainting you, that the brilliant successes of the British arms in India, under the able conduct of the Marquis Cornwallis, have led to the termination of the war by an advantageous and honourable peace, the terms of which are peculiarly satisfactory to me, from their tendency to secure the future tranquillity of the British dominions in that part of the world. Your attention will now naturally be directed to such measures for the future government of those valuable possessions as shall appear, from experience and full

consideration, most likely to provide for their internal prosperity, and to secure the important advantages which may be derived from thence to the commerce and revenue of this country..-I am persuaded that it will be the object of your immediate consideration to adopt such measures as may be necessary, under the present circumstances, for enforcing obedience to the laws, and for repressing every attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of these kingdoms. You will be sensible how much depends on the result of your deliberations, and your uniform conduct is the best pledge that nothing will be wanting on your part which can contribute to the present security and permanent advantage of the country. I retain a deep and unalterable sense of the repeated proofs which I have received of your cordial and affectionate attachment to me; and I place an entire reliance on the continuance of those sentiments, as well as on your firm determination to defend and maintain that constitution which has so long protected the liberties and promoted the happiness of every class of my subjects. -In endeavouring to preserve and to transmit to posterity the inestimable blessings which, under the favour of Providence, you have yourselves experienced, you may be assured of my zealous and cordial co-operation; and our joint efforts will, I doubt not, be rendered completely effectual, by the decided support of a free and loyal people."

An address, in approbation of the speech, was moved by Sir James Saunderson, the Lord Mayor of London, and seconded by Mr. Wallace. The Earl of Wycombe opposed the address, on the ground of its being, in a great measure, unintelligible to him; though he should not hesitate to say, that the speech calumniated the people of England; who, instead of discovering any symptoms of insurrection, were, at that moment, overflowing with loyalty. He believed, that with respect to forms of government, there might be different opinions held in England; but they were merely speculative; and ought not to occasion any alarm to the ministers of the crown, unless they were called forth into action, and made the ground-work of active measures. As soon as the noble earl

had concluded,

Mr. Fox rose and said:- Although, Sir, what has fallen from the noble earl behind me contains the substance of almost all that I have to offer, and although it must have produced the effects which good sense, truth, and solid argument never fail to produce on a great body, the tacit acknowledgment of all who heard him, insomuch, that no one seemed ready to venture to rise up in answer to the noble earl, yet I cannot avoid offering my opinion on the present most critical and most alarming occasion. I am not so little acquainted with the nature of man, as not to know, that in public speaking, in order to engage the attention of the hearers, besides the efficacy of fair and candid reasoning, a man ought always to be in temper and unison with his au

dience. He ought to shew, that however they may differ upon points, they are still pursuing in reality the same object, namely, the love of truth. With this object in view, I shall, Sir, state explicitly what are my sentiments on the subjects now presented to our notice by the speech from the throne. And first, I state it to be my conviction, that we are assembled at the most critical and momentous crisis, not only that I have ever known, but that I have ever read of in the history of this country-a crisis not merely interesting to ourselves but to all nations; and that on the conduct of parliament at this crisis depends not only the fate of the British constitution, but the future happiness of mankind.

His majesty's speech, Sir, is full of a variety of assertions, or perhaps I should not make use of the word assertions, without adding, that it has also a variety of insinuations conveyed in the shape of assertions, which must impress every man with the most imminent apprehensions for the safety of every thing that is justly dear to Englishmen. It is our first duty to inquire into the truth of these assertions and insinuations so conveyed to us from the throne. I am sure I need not recur to the old parliamentary usage of declaring, that when I speak of the king's speech, I mean to be considered as speaking of the speech of the minister, since no one, I trust, will impute to me a want of due and sincere respect for his majesty. It is the speech which his majesty has been advised, by his confidential servants, to deliver from the throne. They are responsible for every letter of it, and to them and them only, every observation is addressed. I state it, therefore, to be my firm opinion, that there is not one fact asserted in his majesty's speech which is not false not one assertion or insinuation which is not unfounded. Nay, I cannot be so uncandid as to believe, that even the ministers themselves think them true. This charge upon his majesty's ministers is of so serious a kind, that I do not pronounce it lightly; and I desire that gentlemen will go fairly into the consideration of the subject, and manifest the proper spirit of the representatives of the people in such a moment. What the noble earl said is most strictly true. The great, prominent feature of the speech is, that it is an intolerable calumny on the people of Great Britain; an insinuation of so gross and so black a nature, that it demands the strictest inquiry, and the most severe punishment.

The next assertion is, that there exists at this moment an insurrection in this kingdom. An insurrection! Where is it? Where has it reared its head? Good God! an insurrection in Great Britian! No wonder that the militia were called out, and parliament assembled in the extraordinary