most earnest, solemn, and vigorous protest against the right assumed at Paris and Verona of making war on Spain, and the doctrine of the French government, that nations can lawfully enjoy civil privileges only as a spontaneous grant from kings; as well as for advising Spain to alter its constitution in order to avert the threatened invasion. The motion was negatived by a large majority; and in its place an amendment carried, expressing approbation of the conduct of ministers, and the willingness of the house to support his majesty in any measures which may be necessary for fulfilling the obligations, or vindicating the dignity, of the crown, and maintaining the rights and interests of the people. -Earl Grey has since moved in the House of Lords for several classes of papers; first, any documents respecting the capture of a Spanish ship by a French cruizer, while France was still declaring its pacific disposition: secondly, the proclamation of the provisional government of Spain under the patronage of the French govern ment, annulling all acts done by the Spanish Government since the restoration of the Constitution: thirdly, papers respecting the sentiments expressed at Verona, by Austria, Prussia, and Russia, with a view to ascertain how far they might be considered parties to the war: and fourthly, the communications between the five powers on the subject, with copies of any information transmitted to this government respecting the object of the Russian army on the Vistula, the Austrian in the Milanese, and the Prussian on the border next France. The papers were not granted; but Lord Liverpool stated, that, with regard to the seizure of the vessel, the Spanish ship was the aggressor, being in fact a privateer; that with regard to the offensive proclamation, the French government had disclaimed it; that the engagements at Verona were only defensive, and, as respected sup porting France against Spain, contingent on Spain's attacking France, or offering violence to her own royal family, or attempting to change the dynasty. The assembling of troops by Austria, Prussia, and Russia, his lordship considered to be only meant as a measure of precaution which was thought to be called for in the present state of the continent. We confess that we begin to give little credit eiChrist. Observ. No. 257.

ther to French assertions, or to disclaimers, on the part of the allied powers, of hostile views on the independence of other states.

The tables of both houses of parliament have been covered with petitions for bettering the condition, and effecting the ultimate emancipation of the slaves in our West-India colonies. These petitions have been no less remarkable for the weighty and judicious manner in which they have been drawn up, than for the respectability of their signatures. Mr. Buxton brought forward on the 15th inst. a motion on this important subject, in a speech of great eloquence, information, and effect. The motion was,that "the state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the British Constitution and of the Christian Religion, and ought to be abolished gradually throughout the British Colonies, with as much expedition as may be found consistent with a due regard to the well-being of the parties concerned." This undeniable proposition it was his intention to follow up with enactments, which should have for their object to put an end to the driving system; to restrain the power of arbitrary punishment; to give Sunday to the slaves for rest and religious instruction, and an equivalent portion of time during the week for cultivating their provision grounds; to legalize and protect the marriage of slaves; to provide effectually for their religious instruction; to make slaves cease to be chattels in the eye of the law, and to attach them to the island, and,with some modifications, to the soil; to admit their testimony, quantum valeat, in courts of justice; to throw on the person claiming the services of a Negro the burden of proving the justice of his claim; to remove all existing obstructions to manumissions, and to allow and encourage slaves to purchase their own freedom by the fruits of their industry, which should be secured to them by law; and to give liberty to all children born after a certain day. In addition to these regulations, he farther proposed, that no governor, judge, or attorney-general should be a slave-owner. Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Brougham, Mr. W. Smith, Mr. Sykes,and other members, spoke strongly in favour of the motion. Mr. Canning-while he was disposed to agree in the propriety of most, if not all, the specific measures contem2 X

plated by Mr. Buxton-objected to the adoption of his motion on account of its abstract form, which would seem, he said, to justify the demand by the slaves of an immediate and general emancipation; and he proproposed the following amendment in lieu of it: "That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for ameliorating the condition of the slave population in his Majesty's dominions; that through a determined and persevering, but at the same time judicious and tempeperate, enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his Majesty's subjects: That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of that purpose at the earliest period which shall be compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private property; and that these resolutions be laid before his Majesty."

The speech of Mr. Canning was more specific than his resolutions. He proposed, he said, to abolish the driving system; to put an end altogether to those degrading punishments inflicted on females; to give the Sunday wholly to the slave, for the purpose of recreation, public worship, and religious instruction; and to allow him sufficient time besides for the cultivation of his provision grounds. He thought also that the slave should have legal security for the enjoy ment of his property, and should have the power of bequest concomitant, if possible, on marriage. He agreed as to the propriety of considering the question of admitting their evidence; and though his mind was not made up upon it, he leant to the side of admitting it. He felt also that the practice of selling slaves under writs of venditioni exponas ought, if possible, to be abolished. On the subject of emancipating the children born after a given day, he entertained considerable doubts, but should be ready to listen to what might hereafter be said upon it. He abjured the principle of perpetual slavery. He agreed that slavery must at some period be brought to a termination in the Bri

tish Colonies; but he was not prepared to say in what time that change should take place. As to the mode of executing the proposed reforms, he observed, that there were certain colonies over which government exer-, ercised a direct legislative controul. There the action of government would be more free and unembarrassed than in colonies having colonial legislatures. What government did in the former would serve as an example to the latter; and in this matter we had a right to expect from those legislatures a full co-operation. Any resistance they might shew of a contumacious kind, to the wishes of Parliament, would form a case on which to come to Parliament for advice. He concluded with assuring the House, that the Government was actuated by a desire at the same time to redeem the character of the country from the maintenance of the state of slavery, and to protect also the just claims of the colonists respecting a species of property which Parliament had repeatedly sanctioned and legalized.

Mr. Buxton and his friends did not hesitate to accede to Mr. Canning's amendment, which passed nem. con. They expressed at the same timethe very strongest doubts of the efficiency of any measures which were to depend on the frank adoption and efficient co-operation of the colonial legislatures; and reserved to themselves the right of bringing the matter again and again before Parliament, even in the present session, if it should be deemed right by them. so to do.

On reviewing the amount of the pledge which, in the resolutions of Mr. Canning, has been given on this subject, it will be found to differ in no material respect but one from resolutions which were formerly adopted by Parliament, and which, though so adopted, have been productive of no beneficial effect whatever. The only material point of difference is the recognition of the duty of admitting the slaves to "those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects" " at the earliest period that may be consistent with the welfare of the slaves themselves," &c. And considering the variety of constructions to which the terms of the resolutions. are liable, they do not, certainly, furnish a very satisfactory ground of re-.

...

liance. The pledge, however, of the minister himself, is far more specific. He pledges himself to several most highly important points; the accomplishment of which would, without doubt, produce a happy change in the condition of the slaves. But on two points of the very highest moment he only expresses his doubts, and on some others no less momentous he is wholly silent. He doubts, that is to say, as to the propriety of freeing the unborn children, and also as to the propriety of admitting the evidence of slaves in courts of justice. He is silent as to the removal of the existing restrictions on manumission, and the adoption of the humane provisions on this subject of the Spanish code. He is silent also as to removing the onus probandi in a question of slave or free, from the alleged slave to the claimant of his service; and as to preventing the owners of slaves from being governors, judges, or attorney-generals. And on the important subject of marriage he has said nothing in the way of pledge-Still, much is gained. The slaves are recognized as the subject of parliamentary care and protection. Their right to freedom, at some time is distinctly acknowledged. Facts are clearly admitted of the most important bearing, which have hitherto not been so distinctly admitted, or which were open to dispute: for example, the existence of the driving system; the degrading inflictions of the cart-whip on females; the exclusion of the slaves from giving evidence; their being chattels in the eye of the law; their being without marriage; their being denied Sunday as a day of repose and religious observance; and their being unprovided with the means of Christian education and instruction. Let us be thankful for this material advance towards our ultimate object; and, instead of regarding it as a ground for relaxing our efforts, let us rather view it as a call and an encouragement to renewed and persevering exertions. Be it remembered, that though much is admitted, and something is promised,

nothing has yet been done. The utmost vigilance, the most unceasing activity will be required, not only to prevent the frustration of the hopes that have been given, but to obtain larger and still more essential concessions, until this foul stain on the national character shall be finally and for ever effaced.

The state of unhappy Ireland has come again before Parliament under several aspects. On the one side, it is most afflicting to witness the continuance of scenes of bloodshed and terror; and on the other of party spirit, narrow prejudices, and even official partialities among too many who ought to be the guides, examples, and conciliators of the poor and ignorant. The continuance of the Insurrection Act is again judged necessary. But what has been done as a radical cure for the evils which afflict that unhappy country? What has been done nationally to raise the wretched, degraded, illiterate people of the dis-turbed districts of that country to the rank of civilized, moral, Christian, beings? But we have not space to dilate on the afflicting topic. Our readers will find some remarks on it in another part of this Number. We rejoice to find that the whole question is beginning to he considered by the reflecting part of the public in its true light. Expediency, not less than Christianity and philanthropy, points out the true remedy-the Bible, and the zealous and affectionate inculcation of the principles of the Bible, that best guide of human actions, that best solace for human woes.

A bill has been introduced into the House of Lords, founded on the report of the marriage-laws committee. It proposes to place marriages by banns upon the same footing which they occupied before last year's act; to protect marriages by licence by new securities, and to render all marriages of minors indissoluble after one year from their solemnization. The Committee could not agree on any specific provisions as respects Unitarians and Roman Catholics.

MEAUX.

Concluded from p. 274.)

THE great and persevering efforts of Bossuet, in the controversy respecting Mad. Guyon, and in procuring the condemnation of Fenelon's book, appear to have injured his health as well as his temper; while they betrayed him into excesses wholly unworthy of a Christian minister, and deprived him of the friendship of one of the best and brightest characters of his age. Till this period, he had enjoyed almost uninterrupted health, and a vigour of constitution beyond his years. He was now turned of seventy; and, at such a period of life, the trouble and irritation of mind he had undergone, together with the exertions he had made, could hardly fail to undermine a constitution the most vigorous and robust. We are assured that, in the course of a single year, the year 1698, when the controversy respecting Fenelon was at its height, he produced a quantity of writings and correspondence sufficient to fill three large volumes of four hundred pages each. It appears that, including controversial and other treatises, Bossuet composed and published no less than fifty-one distinct works. They all abounded with learning and acuteness; but of this large number how few are now generally known! How few have survived to be of permanent interest and utility! Nor is this oblivion much to be regretted, since they were chiefly employed in strengthening and cementing that temple of antichrist, CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 258.

destined ere long to fall; but it is much to be regretted that such a man should have consumed so large a part of his life in even worse than operose nihil agendo.

Setting aside for a moment Bossuet, and the cause in which he principally laboured, I may be here permitted, without any improper digression, to offer a few remarks on the voluminous productions of our old divines; those who wrote during the latter half of the sixteenth and the whole of the seventeenth centuries. The present age of literature has doubtless its peculiar merits. Every thing relating to style and composition is much better understood than it was two hundred years ago. Taste is wonderfully improved. More skill and judgment are displayed in the art of book-making than formerly; and much time is consequently saved. Knowledge is now served up, if not in the most full and accurate manner, yet under the most compact, commodious, and attractive form. The multum in parvo was never so much studied as it is by the present bustling and business-like generation of mankind. This is the era of abridgment and condensation. The results of past wisdom, learning, and industry are exhibited, in many instances, to the best advantage; and though it is hardly possible that old authors should lose so much in bulk without some injustice to their merits, yet that inconvenience seems to be compensated by the number of individuals who are thereby enabled to partake of the benefit of their labours.

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