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themselves embarrassed and hesitant upon some

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of the most fundamental questions-questions which vitally affect political judgment. general, this difficulty relates to the unexpected cogency with which moral and Socialistic views appear to be pitted against doctrines of Individualism. The perplexity is enhanced when strong reasons are adduced for rejecting the guidance of political economy. It is unfortunate that the experienced political minds are not more happily situated at the moment that they have to receive and, in large measure, to fashion the new arrivals. Change at such a time reminds us of the proverbial danger of "swopping horses while crossing a stream;" yet it may be worse to retain our seat on the wrong horse.

The present movement of rebellion finds characteristic expression rather in passion of denunciation than in reasoned statement. This is a defect. Though its spring is in moral sympathies and aversions, its appeal to the world must be to reason. It needs other bases than intuitive conviction, and utterance in other

language than that of fervid dogmatism. A contribution towards this end is offered in the following pages. The standpoint taken is the moralization of all political and social questions, and thence their "Christianization," if the word may be pardoned. But the standpoint is sought, however imperfectly, to be gained, defended, and applied by definite demonstration.

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If it be true that the movement in question has been dominated by feeling-has, in the best sense, been sentimental-we need not be surprised that, however perfect its aim, its censures should have alighted where undeserved. cordingly, the first and second chapters are devoted to (1) definition of the nature and sphere of political economy, and commercial competition; and (2), within limits, to their defence against moralist critics. The succeeding chapters seek to evolve (1) the fundamental principle of the constitution of the State; and (2) to exhibit, in its most general form, the necessary relation of the State to politics, especially to Liberalism, and to morality, religion, or Christianity. This

survey appears to embrace the region now subject to a process of ungauged upheaval. While this volume has for subject the position of political economy in the world of legitimate theory, and of commercial competition in the sphere of practice, yet its chief object will not have been attained unless it exhibit secular politics as under the rule of morals, and these restored, as of old, to the sway of the religious dictates.

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Partly explicable by early errors of economical writers
Political economy is a science-therefore non-moral
This truth not always recognized by economists
Does political economy postulate universal selfishness?
Reply: (1) Of only a part can this be alleged

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Mr. Ruskin's conception of political economy

Conclusion

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72

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How those limitations compel unjust exchange.
The present tendency is towards just price ...
Right attitude towards competition

Duty of seller and buyer

Benefits of perfect competition

Summary

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112

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The State has a positive aim for the Socialist, but not any

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That aim is "the common good"

Significance of that principle imperfectly recognized

Liberalism is essentially true Socialism

Whence, then, the present special alarm?

Summary and transition

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