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THERE is far more symmetry in the internal structure of the Nemean and Isthmian strophes and epodes than is to be found in the Olympian and Pythian odes. The difference is remotely analogous to a verse of Tate and Brady's version of the Psalıns and the corresponding portion of the Prayerbook version set as an anthem.

As a general rule the Greek lyric stanza (strophe or epode) is composed of one or two periods. In the case of unsymmetrical stanzas—i.e. of stanzas which only offer a show of symmetry when they are arbitrarily divided into several small sections—it is not often possible to find indications of organic division or to determine whether the stanza be mono-periodic or not. But that the constituent periods seldom exceed two in number is a fair inference from the frequency of symmetrical stanzas made up of two symmetrical periods or constituting one symmetrical period.

This natural kind of symmetry, illustrated by many of the odes in this volume, is also to be discovered in many of the stanzas of Bacchylides and the Tragedians. For instance, Eur. Orest. 982—1004 is one symmetrical period, which however J. H. H. Schmidt chops up into three kommata containing seven periods. The conclusions here propounded have been confirmed by a careful examination of all extant Greek lyrics.


In the first 200 lines of the First Book of the Iliad there are many tautometric recurrences of words and phrases and kindred forms as well as of proper names, while whole lines are repeated, e.g. 65, 93; 68, 101.

For instance, lao- ends vv. 10, 16; Bi begins vv. 34, 44; v. 17 ends with évkuuldes 'Ayacol, and v. 22 with êtrevoýunorav 'Αχαιοί και άποινα ends υυ. 13, 23, 95, 111; -χώσατο υ. 64 and XÚCETAL v. 80 are in the fourth foot, dubil- vv. 74, 86 in the third and fourth feet, Ocot POTL- vv. 85, 87, 109 in the same part of the verse, Quuó- vv. 136, 173 in the third foot; yépas vv. 120, 133, 138, 163, 185 in the fourth foot; étápolow ends υυ. 179, 183, άλλο- υυ. 174, 186. The phrase πρόφρων έπεσιν occurs in the same parts of vv. 77 and 150, årò docxov duóval ends υ. 67, λοιγόν απώσει υ. 97. Το πείθονται Αχαι- υ. 79 corresponds in position melontai 'Axal- v. 150; to spéves v. 103, φρεσί υ. 107, φρένας υ. 115; to μάντις αμύμων υ. 92, μαντεύεσθαι v. 106. Verse 94 echoes v. 11. There are several other re


There are also many such recurrences in the Hesiodic poems, in the Homeric Hymns, and in the longer fragments of Tyrtaeos and Solon. In Simonides, Frag. 5 [12], there are tautometric recurrences, γενέσθαι συ. 15, 1, θεοί νυ. 21, 14. In Bakchylides there are several responsions like those found in Pindar. In the VIth ode there is a suggestion of a refrain. Kέον | άεισάν ποτΟλυμπία | πυξ τε και στάδιον κρατεύσαν, υυ. 5-7 is answered by γεραίρει προδόμοις άοι- | δαίς ότι στάδιον κρατήσας | Kέον ευκλέίξας υυ. 14-16; while in Ode XVIII. the second and third strophes end with releitai vv. 30, 45. In Aeschylos a verse or some verses at the end of a strophe are sometimes repeated in the antistrophe.

It is consequently obvious that a student of Greek epic and elegiac verse and of lyrics which were constructed with refrains might unconsciously or half-consciously absorb a habit of responsions such as are found in Pindar and Bakchylides. The recurrent words and sounds might be felt as an element of the poetic structure, as of course a refrain is.

These observations and considerations give strong support to my contention that Pindaric recurrences are often devoid of significance, especially when only one word is repeated.


Ν Ε Μ Ε Α Ι.




CHROMIOS, son of Agêsidâmos, was probably a member of the Hyllean tribe of Dorians, one of the Hêracleids who went from Rhodes to Gela (see P. 1. 62). He was made by Hieron governor, énitpontos (according to Schol. on N. 9), of Aetna, founded B.C. 476, of which Deinomenes was titular sovereign (P. 1. 58–60). Gelon had given Chromios one of his own and Hieron's sisters in marriage, and had made him, with the other brother-in-law, Aristonoös, a guardian of his son. It

appears however that Polyzêlos, brother of Gelon and Hieron, married Gelon's widow, Dâmareta (Démaretê), thus getting control over Gelon's son and heir, so that in supporting Hieron, Chromios was not necessarily betraying his trust. He may well have despaired of his ward being able to cope with his paternal uncles, the youngest of whom, Thrasybulos, was directly responsible for his ruin. It is at any rate clear that Chromios was Hieron's chief supporter. He is said to have been his charioteer. The reason for regarding him as a Gelôan immigrant to Syracuse is because Pindar tells us (N. 9. 40) that in his prime he fought with distinction in the battle on the Helôros, in which Hippokrates, Tyrant of Gela, defeated the Syracusans. As this battle is mentioned in the ode (N. 9) sung at Aetna, it is probable that the Syracusans of rank who moved thither were new citizens of Syracuse


F. II.

introduced with Gelon. In the new city they were out of danger of surprise by the republican faction, and were reinforced by numbers of Megarians and Peloponnesians which could scarcely have been introduced into the old city, while they were near enough to give effective aid to their friends in Syracuse. As Akragas and Himera had recovered their freedom just before the date of this ode, Pindar may have had in view, when mentioning foresight (v. 28), this provision for Deinomenes and precaution against the impending revolution. Chromios took active part in Hieron’s martial enterprises, and as ambassador to Anaxilas of Rhêgion, between B.C. 478 and 476 (see P. 2 Introd.), prevented the subjugation of the Lokri Epizephyrii. He won this Nemean victory, Ol. 76. 4, B.C. 473, in the summer. This ode was recited before the banquet given in celebration of the victory at Chromios' house in Ortygia. The chorus performed it at the apóDupov, i.e. before the principal door of the palace. Cf. Bacchyl. 6. 14 apodóuous àoidais. Mezger well compares Chromios with Thêron, and says that his praises came straight from the poet's inmost heart. It is therefore not surprising that the scene of the myth should lie in Thebes.

The warm glow shed by the festive enjoyment of honorable repose and the splendor of wealth, lavish hospitality, and victory in war and sacred games are enhanced by a vivid presentment of the frequent conflict in which the noble, whether men of action, counsel, or minstrelsy, must engage, and in which they must exhibit uprightness and straightforwardness. Pindar agrees with Bacchyli- . des (1. 43) that åpetá is émipox@os.

Note the recurrence of μεγα-, αινον αελλοπόδων μέγαν ίππων υ. 6, μεγάλων αέθλων υ. 11, κορυφαίς αρεταν μεγάλαις (κορυφαίς υ. 15) ν. 34, Kauátwv meyálwv v. 70.. This tautometric recurrence (vv. 70, 34) may perhaps imply that Pindar's celebration of Hérakles—and by consequence his ode in honor of Chromios—is kapátwv meydlwv trouvá.

The idea of upright straightforward conduct is led up to by opowo Elv υ. 15, and enforced by καιρόν ου ψεύδει βαλών υ. 18, εν ευθείαις οδούς στείχοντα υ. 25 (contrasted with συν πλαγίω κόρη στείχοντα υυ. 64, 65), ο δ' ορθόν μεν άντεινεν κάρα υ. 43, ορθόμαντιν υ. 61. The thread of confict appears vv. 16, 17, 24, 25, 33 (Tolutóvwv), 36, 43 ff., 62–68, 70. If the exact metrical correspondence of åvila- (v. 68) with årtlov (v. 25) be intentional it was intended to make the idea of conflict prominent, not to suggest any special parallelism, which would be very much forced. Possibly the step, gesture, and disposition of the dance at this point suited the general idea of 'confronting. This is a slight extension of my suggestion (0. and P. 1893 p. xix) that certain groups of articulate sound might be especially appropriate to certain parts of the metre and melody. Moreover the leading ideas of an ode would naturally recur where there was an orchestral and musical climax, which is the likeliest explanation of the position of νικα- or Τιμοδημ- towards the end of the fourth verse of the strophes in N. 2. The dance at the beginning of the strophes and antistrophes in N. 1 may have been suitable to the idea of arrested motion, which would explain έμπνευμα υ. 1, έσταν υ. 19, έστα υ. 55. There simply cannot be any poetical reference from έστα το έσταν, any more than from θέσαν υ. 59 to θέμεν υ. 5 or from του ν. 41 to των υ. 30 or from év v. 67 to èv v. 31 or from uegá- v. 31 to Mégav v. 6 or from oural v. 50 to -oúo al v. 32 or from -ole- v. 52 to colé- v. 16 or from oéo v. 29 to σέθεν υ. 4.

After having passed this last tautometric recurrence over so far, Mezger and Bury cannot now assert that it is significant without acknowledging the inability of so-called signals to arrest the attention even of those who are on the alert to observe signals.

The compounds which seem to have been formed for this ode are ίππαιχμος, πανδοξία, χαλκεντής, πολύπονος, ορθομαντις, άϊδροδίκας.

The mode is Dorian. The metre is dactylo-epitritic, the phrases used being A, consisting of three dactylic feet, namely A=-=-1 ---|--I, A'=---|---|-|| or ------- All, B, one

l epitrite, namely B = --|- - ||, B' = ----|| or- -|- All,


| ۸ ||, C, consisting of two epitrites, namely C=-- ---- |--|, C"=- -|--|--|-|| or :-1--1--|-111.



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