far, far better than thou, unconscionable man. And since then, many kings and potentates have been laid low, who lorded it over mighty nations. He too, even he who erst made a path for his legions to march over the deep, and set at naught the roarings of the seas, trampling on them with his horses, had the light taken from him and shed forth his soul from his dying body. The son of the Scipios, thunderbolt of war, terror of Carthage, yielded his bones to earth, just as if he were the lowest menial. Think too of the inventors of all sciences and graceful arts, think of the companions of the Heliconian maids; among whom Homer bore the sceptre without a peer, and he now sleeps the same sleep as others...Even Epicurus passed away, when his light of life had run its. course, he who surpassed in intellect the race of man and quenched the light of all, as the etherial sun arisen quenches the stars. Wilt thou then hesitate and think it a hardship to die? thou for whom life is well nigh dead whilst yet thou livest and seest the light, who wastest the greater part of thy time in sleep and snorest wide awake and ceasest not to see visions and hast a mind troubled with groundless terror and canst not discover often what it is that ails thee, when, besotted man, thou art sore pressed on all sides with a multitude of cares and goest astray still floundering in the maze of error'.' In tracing the history of the post-Aristotelian philosophy we have seen that, underneath the antagonisms of the different schools of this period, there was, in the first place, much which they held in common, in opposition 1 Lucr. III 894-1052. altered and abbreviated. The translation is Munro's, slightly to the earlier schools; and secondly that there was a constant tendency, especially noticeable in the Academic and Stoic schools, to approximate to each other and to modify or suppress their own distinctive characteristics. Partly owing to better acquaintance and improved understanding of each other's doctrines, and partly as a result of criticism bringing to light the weak points of each, there was a double movement going on, towards eclecticism on the one side, as it began to be surmised that the different schools presented different aspects of truth, and towards scepticism on the other side, as it was felt that no school could boast to have attained to absolute truth. This natural tendency of speculative thought was further assisted by the circumstances of the time, especially by the rise of the Roman power and the growing intercourse between Greece and Rome. To estimate the nature and extent of this influence on the ulterior development of philosophy, there are four points to be considered; (1) what new factors were supplied by Rome? or, to express it differently, what were the distinguishing features of the Roman intellect and character before it underwent the process of Hellenizing? (2) through what channels was this process carried on? (3) what was the result as regards the Romans? (4) how did Rome react on Greece? As regards (1), if we compare a Roman or a Sabine at the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. with an Athenian, we shall probably find the latter to be a townsman, vain, flighty, impressible, excitable; tolerant and liberal in opinion, and lax, not to say loose, in morality; of ready and versatile talent, with a taste for literature and art, and a natural fondness for discussion, ever seeking for novelty and amusement; demo cratic in politics, so far as, under the altered circumstances of Athens, he still retains any interest in politics; half sceptical, half superstitious and wholly inquisitive in matters of religion. The former is the contrary of all this, a dweller in the country, fond of home, proud, stubborn, earnest, narrowly conservative, a stern moralist and strict disciplinarian, scorning luxury and refinement, and content to be guided in all things by the wisdom of his ancestors, suspicious of ideas and rhetoric, indifferent to all but practical considerations, aristocratic in politics, with a deep-rooted belief in his traditional religion, as the only foundation and safeguard of the fortune and the greatness of the city, for which he is at all times ready to sacrifice his life'. The contrast was often commented on both by Greeks and Romans. Thus Polybius in the middle of the 2nd century B.C. writes as follows, 'the great superiority of the Romans lies in their religious belief: what is blamed among other men is the foundation of their power, I mean, superstition. They endeavour in every way to heighten the imposing aspect of their religion (ènì τοσοῦτον ἐκτετραγώδηται) and to extend its influence over the whole of life, both public and private. And this seems to be done especially with a view to the common people, for in a state consisting of wise men alone, perhaps such a course would be less necessary. But as the multitude is always frivolous, full of lawless passions. and senseless anger, nothing remains but to restrain them by giving form and shape to the terrors of an unseen world (τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδία). Hence it appears to me that the ancients had good reason for in 1 See the account of Cato the elder in Mommsen, Bk. III. ch. 13. troducing the beliefs in the gods and in the infernal regions, and that it is a far less rational course to attempt to get rid of these beliefs as some are now doing. This is shown by the difficulty of securing honesty in public men among the sceptical Greeks, in spite of every possible precaution, while a Roman on his oath may safely be entrusted with any amount of money'.' The next passage is from Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a younger contemporary of Cicero. After enumerating the causes of national prosperity, viz. Ist the blessing of heaven, and 2ndly the moral qualities of the citizens, their temperance, justice and courage, and the habit of making honour, not pleasure, the distinguishing mark of happiness, he praises the wisdom of the founder of Rome in omitting from his religious system all that was immoral, useless or unseemly in the mythology of Greece; 'from whence,' he says, 'it comes that in all their actions and words, which have a reference to religious matters, the Romans show a devoutness not found among Greeks or barbarians3.' Compare with these passages Cicero's words, 'however highly we may think of ourselves, we must confess that in many points we are inferior to other nations, in bodily strength to the Gauls, in art to the Greeks, &c, but in piety and religion and the wisdom to see that all things are directed by Divine Providence, we are unquestionably the first.' 'I allow to the Greeks literature, artistic training, genius, elegance, fluency; I make no objection to other claims which they may put forward; but they have not, they never have had, any feeling of the sanctity of an oath, any scruple in regard 1 In the above, I give the substance of Polyb. vi 56. to the giving of evidence.' 'It is a nation made to de ceive: I am utterly weary of their frivolity, their flattery, their time-serving and unconscientious character.' 'It is wonderful how they are delighted with trifles which we despise'.' Our next business is to trace the growth of the connexion between Rome and Greece, for which the following dates will supply the most important landmarks; but it must not be forgotten that the ground-work of this connexion is to be found in the intercourse which subsisted from a very early period between Rome and the Greek cities of Southern Italy, such as Cumae, Neapolis, and Tarentum. B.C. 281. War with Pyrrhus. 250-150. Rise of a Hellenized literature in Rome represented by such names as Livius Andronicus (first play 240 B.C.), Plautus d. 184, Ennius d. 169, Terence d. 159. 228. First Roman embassy to Greece. Ambassadors admitted to the Isthmian games and the Eleusinian mysteries. 213. War between Rome and Philip of Macedon. 196. Overthrow of Macedon at Cynoscephalae. Declaration of the independence of Greece at the Isthmian games in the following year by the philhellene Flamininus. 191. War with Antiochus. 168. Final conquest of Macedon by Paullus Aemi 1 See Cic. Harusp. Resp. § 19, Pro Flacco 9, 11, ad Q. Fr. 1. 2, § 2, and compare the well-known lines in Hor. Od. III. 6, beginning Dis te minorem quod geris imperas, and the still more famous lines from the 6th Aeneid 848, foll. excudent alii spirantia mollius aera, also Juvenal Sat. III. 60-80 non possum ferre, Quirites, Graecam urbem, &c. M. P. 14 |