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WHY may not women take an interest in politics? Many will reply at once, "Is it worth while to make suggestions, and propose changes when things are going on very comfortably as they are." Yes, it is better to have a good reason for every existing state of things, because there is such a continual natural change in the phases of domestic and social and political life that if a thorough investigation is not every now and then set on foot, we are likely to find ourselves often in no very pleasant plight, and sometimes, in a very deplorable condition. Suppose, we were never to say, has it given over raining?" how long we might hold up umbrellas! When we have once had a thorough clearing in our houses, we find that a similar overturn must soon take place again; old curtains must be mended, broken furniture repaired; the carpet that was an excellent covering for the floor, at one time, ceases to be so when continuous treading has worn it into holes; the paint that was a protection when it existed, is only a disfigurement when the sun has blistered it nearly away. Then we find that one kind of manufacture answers a purpose better than another; we talk about it, we discuss it with our friends and neighbours, in short we ventilate the subject as well as the house. By some such course as this it has come about that we are no longer living in rooms covered with rushes. Is this an advantage or not? the cleanly housekeeper would answer that it is. Somewhat the same process takes place, or ought to take place with regard to social and political as well as domestic institutions. Frequent ventilation is a necessity for every healthy condition of things whether physical or mental.

Allow us to repeat the question then, why women should not take an interest in politics? A ready answer is, they cannot understand such subjects, owing to their infirm mental constitutions. We will take it so we will not deny their weakmindedness-we believe in it. But we will not accept that reason for their exclusion from privileges which are vouchsafed

VOL. XII.

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to all men without any mental test beyond mere sanity. However foolish women may be, it cannot be denied that there are many men who not only hold political opinions, but who register those opinions in votes and are encouraged to do so, who are far more weak-minded than many women.

Again, because the minds of women are weak, especial pains ought to be taken to strengthen them. They are occupied with small matters, trifling and unimportant, if such words can be rightly applied to any link in the great chain of events. They are not accustomed to grasp large ideas, they cannot take comprehensive views. But we know when a child's hand is filled with a small toy, that if we place a large one before him, he drops the first and attempts to grasp the great oneit is too large for his small fingers, so he brings out his other hand and strains every nerve, and succeeds in holding it. Compare a weak mind with the child's hand. When some noble subject of thought is placed before it, not only will it open for its reception, but will positively seem to increase twofold.

What course is pursued with those nations whom nature or circumstances lead. us to call inferior, or with those classes amongst civilized people who are habitually degraded? with negroes? with ragged school children? with shoe black brigades? It is said "give them higher aims"-place them in positions of trust-waken them to a sense of their responsibility. Only by such means can it be fairly tested whether they possess the intelligence which may be merely undeveloped. Why should we not apply the same treatment to ourselves, and because our minds are weak, place a high endeavour before them and perhaps find out that we have powers which neither we nor others dared to hope were our portion? As surely as the negro slave rouses to new action when the fetters fall from his limbs, as surely as the untaught children in our own land behold another world in their every-day existence when knowledge shines out of their eyes, so surely shall we behold a new glory in our being when we bend every energy we possess to grappling with those large schemes of thought and enterprise which at once exalt and lay low the soul, but in which men are too apt to rejoice alone. We should take nothing from themfrom men-by so doing. There is space and to spare in the mental world. We should no more interfere with their privileges by sending our minds through the realms of thought, than by lifting up our eyes to the daily marvel of the setting sun, we should darken to their gaze its mysterious beauty.

But should we not spoil ourselves-should we not make our own minds rough and masculine by making them so large and strong? That is the same sort of question which Chinese

women put, as they look down smilingly upon their little feet. But development increases natural tendencies, it does not alter nor destroy them. And a little mind is a more serious evil than a little foot.

Well, but why choose politics as a means for obtaining this wonderful expansion so much to be desired?

Because the beautiful and wide-spread charities of wise legislation seem to render the science of political economy peculiarly fitted for the kindly nature of a woman. It bears upon the well-being of our species more directly than any other science. Think for a moment of the sin and misery one unjust law produces. That law, for instance, which made it legal for one man to hold another in bondage; the groans, the shrieks, the wails that pierced the calm air of our Indian isles have scarcely yet ceased ringing in our ears. A life-time devoted to freeing individual slaves would but have liberated a few; a lifetime spent in altering the law which bound them, enfranchised millions. Think, in cases of distress in our own country, what could the kindest among us do, day and night dispensing food and raiment, compared with that which has been effected by the repeal of one sinful law? I borrow the impressive words of one who knew what he was saying; "Let me tell you when you make a revolution in opinion on a great question, when you alter your law from bad to good on a great policy, it is not like giving a beggar a penny and seeing no more of him, knowing only that it provides him with a dinner for the day; but it is as a beneficent Providence, such as the ancients represented Providence, as a hand projecting out of a cloud and distributing; not to the rich only, though to them distributing security and a fuller enjoyment of what they have; but it penetrates every lane and every cottage, and every chamber, and every cupboard, and wherever it goes, and wherever it enters, it blesses with a full and liberal blessing."* When a woman follows out the thoughts which these remarks suggest, I think that political measures must assume a wondrous fascination in her eyes. They should in fact be simply the carrying out of the precepts of the New Testament. The sermon on the mount forms the basis for the soundest system of political economy. And it is beautiful and interesting to trace how exactly in proportion to the accordance of any political measure with the spirit of that matchless sermon is the extent of outward peace and plenty it confers. We are bound reverently to remember the Great Maker of the Universe when the majesties of astronomical discovery solemnize our hearts. We are taught to think of Him with grateful admiration when the

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Speech of John Bright, Esq., M, P., at Birmingham. October, 1858.

marvellous adaptation of the animal and vegetable kingdom claim our thoughts. And not less strikingly and tenderly are we led to recollect His kindly wisdom by the unvarying coincidence of comfort and abundance with the putting into practice of those simple counsels which He has given for our guidance.

But the time and drudgery required to understand the way in which one thing hangs upon another-the relations of classes -the division of labour-the unravelling of those dogmas which often make a bad law seem to be a blessing.

A woman has a sort of instinct for perceiving right and wrong, which would often guide her very quickly to detect a political fallacy. Besides, patience is the one good quality which every one allows a woman to possess as she need not be disheartened by a subject being intricate and toilsome. How unweariedly for days, and months, and years, do women listen to the difficulties of children, puzzle out their perplexities, and watch and study all their varying words and dispositions; so, surely, they may devote a portion of this same patient spirit to the investigation of a science, which more than any other, has the power of dignifying, and brightening, and enlarging the future of these guileless and affectionate little beings. It is computed that there are 5,000,000 children in the United Kingdom, of whom 3,000,000 never receive any school education. Would not the remembrance of these untaught souls make the drudgery feel pleasure that had for its aim their unspeakable advantage? The need for ragged schools ought not to exist under an enlightened government.

Again, to many minds the struggles of the lower classes are a perpetual source of embittering pain. Mrs. Bayley writes of returning home and shedding bitter tears one evening, quite unable to enjoy the rich blessings of her own lot, from the haunting recollection of the destitution she had just witnessed, and which she was powerless to relieve. Those women—and they are many-to whom such tears and such feelings are familiar things, would think it no toil to study long rows of figures and unaccustomed details of finance, if they knew that by so doing they could put themselves in possession of a power materially and immediately to aid the poor wretches whom they pity. By way of illustration-they would find that a high rate of taxation, and a very large destitute lower class are constantly found together. They would be startled to find the close connection of these conditions. They would also find that no one single cause makes such havoc in the nation's working as the enormous sums voted for our military and naval expences.

There is many a woman, who at once would take a noble pride in controlling her dread of foreign inroads when she

rightly understood that every regiment enrolled to tranquillize her panic fears, is just so much of dead weight upon the industry and well-being of the working-classes, just so much of serious, damaging, addition to that heavy burden of taxation, which is in itself sufficient to account for the lamentable fact that we have a million helpless paupers in our midst, and a larger number of human beings, only distinguished from these paupers by heavier toil, and severer hardships, and more utter wretchedness, with the one sole superiority that they are independent. Every unnecessary soldier is another stone around the neck of this sinking striving multitude. Knowing this, it seems strange and sad that the child-like cry of fear from those "who wear soft clothing" and "live delicately" every day, should gain a readier response from those who rule us, than the moaning voice of hunger and despair; sadder and more strange, that such apprehensions should be relieved by adding misery to those who have so much already. It only requires attention and an impartial mind to see this matter clearly, with all its wide important bearings.

But the science of political economy is not one merely of dry study and statistics. Brilliant satire, and sparkling illustrations, and luminously logical deductions light up the pages of many of its professors. It demands of us no more industry than astronomy or geology, or languages, or music, or mechanics, or any other of those kindred sciences which have bestowed liberal blessings of physical ease and intellectual luxury upon the world; and its results are at least not less important.

But how much gentlemen would dislike ladies if they took an interest in politics!

In matters of taste to try to please others, is a consideration -in matters of duty, never. Whether or no, however, a calm and intelligent acquaintance with political subjects would make a woman more interesting to a man, one thing is quite clear, it would make a man much more interesting to a woman. There are few men who do not take some interest in public matters, and when talking of them to each other, or when reading the newspapers, it would be pleasanter to a woman to feel a community of interest rather than an utter blank-she would be happier herself, too, sitting at her sewing, thinking of some two or three of that sad 3,000,000 of untaught children, whom she personally knew, whose fair faces and forlorn condition had rivetted her love, whose destiny of ignorance her own small means were all too small to alter-she would be happier if she knew that there were public schemes* in agitation, which if

Such as those projected by the Society for the Repeal of Taxes upon Knowledge.

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