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constantly kept striking his watch, and calling his aid-de-camp, Rapatel, or this author, to write, under his dictation, “a letter to the emperor.” At length the morning of this awful night dawned; -he felt that he had not many moments to live; when about seven o'clock, “observing (says M. Suinine) that I was alone with bim, he made me take the pen, and dictated the following lines.”—Now, it is singular, that just at this critical moment, the faithful Rapatel, and all others except the author, were removed. But it must be confessed that he makes the best use of the op portunity; for he writes" to the dictation of Moreau," the following half sentence: “Sire-Je descends au tombeau avec les memes sentiments d'admiration, de respect et de devouement, que V. M. n'avait inspiré dès le premier moment de notre entrevue.' ....- -“ He paused, (continues this man,) and shut his eyes. I thought he was meditating on what was to follow, and kept my pen ready to follow-but he was no more.” We only marvel that the Grand Duke Constantine was not hooked in by the same means into the compliment; -we verily believe that so gross an outrage to a great man's memory never was committed as this flatterer here offers to General Moreau. Does the reader desire to see how he reflects on his handiwork? " Ainsi finit ce heros, en consacrant sa dernière action et sa dernière pensée au souverain qu'il regardait avec raison comme le principal réparateur des maux de l'Europe, comme celui à qui la France devrait un jour la chute de son tyran et le rétablissement de son bonheur sur les bases justes et solides de la légitimité. Ce fut l'observation que je fis à mon souverain quand je lui annonçai cette triste nouvelle.”
Next follows the letter of the emperor to Madame Moreau, which has been so generally read, and deservedly so much ad. mired, for the simple and touching expression of his feelings conveyed in it. Our author, as usual, does his utmost to destroy its effect by extravagant praises ; calling it " the noblest language ever employed by greatness, and the softest consolations ever used by pity;"_affirming, that all we shall ever see written en Moreau will never do his memory so much honour as these “ immortal lines ;"--and that they have “restored the afflicted widow to existence, and recalled her from the gates of death, and prevented her from sinking under the most poignant grief of which the human heart is susceptible.” Among the general's papers, were found part of an intended proclamation to the French; from which, and from other circumstances, M. Suinine positively contradicts the one published in the newspapers under his name, and known to be a mere fabrication.* He also mentions a journal of
The story of his taking the rank of major general in the Russian service, was absurdly fabricated by the same inventors. M. Suinine states positively, that be, refused every offer of this sort which was made to him. VOL. IV. New Series.
the operations of the campaign, which the general had begun :But the author adds, what we shall believe when we see it so written under General Moreau's hand, that he was keeping it to send to the Duchess of Oldenburgh. In short, every thing in this narrative is daubed over with a flattery, so nauseous, because mixed up with, and attached to, most interesting facts, that we have rarely seen a performance relating to the life of a great man, more calculated to offend all readers of right feelings.
The work closes with a biographical notice of Moreau, which is below criticism, and apparently introduced only to swell the volume. The only part which has any interest, is the account of the conspiracy which led to Moreau's exile ; and if this is at all correct, it distinctly adınits the general to have been engaged in Pichegru's plot, and in the scheme of Georges. The author attempts, indeed, but very feebly and unsatisfactorily, to show that Moreau did not come into these designs, until after Pichegru's arrival at Paris; but he describes him as a coadjutor, and ready to come forward as soon as Georges should have succeeded in the first step of the conspiracy, which was to attack “ Bonaparte on his way to St. Cloud, and carry him off by main force.” We are quite confident that this is incorrect;-such a project bears far too near a resemblance to assassination, in which most probably it would have ended,) to make it credible that so good a man as Moreau would engage in it. Of this consideration, however, our author, accustomed to the details of Russian history, is, perhaps, wholly unaware. He adds, that the general's plan was by degrees to prepare the way for restoring the Bourbons-and how? By first restoring the power of the republican party! This is really too tiresome to dwell
upon. Before concluding the present article, we must remark, that, high as the veneration may be in which all good men hold the memory of its illustrious subject, there can be only one opinion among those who allow themselves to reason upon the last and fatal act of his life. He ought not to have borne arms against his country. This is an inflexible rule; and he who can admit exceptions to it, must be prepared likewise to defend assassination. But it was against Bonaparte, and to free the French from his yoke, that Moreau joined the enemy. How could he answer for the intentions of the allies? In truth, short as the time is which has elapsed since his death, we have seen proof that no such scheme is entertained by them. They have, in the moment of victory, recognised the tyrant of France, and offered him a larger empire over Frenchmen than the Bourbon kings enjoyed. For whon, and for what was Moreau, then, fighting? For Russians and Germans seeking the liberation of their own countries, and justly seeking it--but their liberation from a French yoke; and this was
not an object of enmity to any Frenchman. They never have pretended to desire any French object-to have any purpose in view which a Frenchman could justly abet them in attaining. We cannot understand what new light some people have suddenly received on the score of universal philanthropy. Those who were wont to rail at all such chimeras, now praise Moreau for fighting the battles of Europe against France. What would they say of an Englishman, who, from some personal or party quarrel with the ruling powers, should be found in arms for the liberty of the seas? They would (and we think very properly) speak to him through the medium of certain jurors for our lord the king.
Far be it from us to deny the doctrine of resistance, or to dispute the existence of a crisis in France which gives every friend of liberty a right to raise his arm against the government. The propriety of calling in foreign assistance in such circumstances, opens a much nicer question; but it does not arise in the present case--for all must agree that such aid is only to be subsidiary, and to back the efforts of the people against their oppressors. The allies, when Moreau joined them, were engaged in liberating Germany—and no movements in France were witbin their contemplation. Moreau, then, cooperated with them in niowing down the ranks of his own countrymen, because Bonaparte commanded them. Which of the patriots of the seventeenth century ever thought himself justified by Cromwell's breach of all faith with them, in joining the Dutch or Spanish forces against that usurper? Indeed the matter will not bear inquiry; and the discussion might have been spared altogether, if the injudicious praises of those, who never before his quarrel with Bonaparte saw any merit in hiin, did not impose upon us the necessity of exposing doctrinesshall we call them?-which strike at the root of all the principles of patriotism.
It is with the most unfeigned reluctance and sorrow that we feel ourselves thus compelled to censure the last public acts of such a man as Moreau-not only because he has already expiated his errors by a death of glory, but because his private character appears to us to have been more pure and gentle, and his public principles, on the whole, more sound and disinterested, than those of any other individual whom the eventful days of the French revolution have brought into notoriety. But the principle we have just stated is too clear and too important-especially in such a crisis as now impends over the world to let us permit any shadow of doubt to be thrown upon it, from respect or from pity for the fate even of such a man. It is singular, indeed, that but a a few months have elapsed since we would have quoted Moreau himself as the greatest practical authority for the principles for which we are now contending; since we have occasion to know,
that, up to the period of his last embarkation for Europe, it was the decided opinion of that great man, that no circumstances could justify an individual in taking up arms against his country, but the coöperation of a great part of its natives; and that it was his
pros fessed determination, up to the hour of his departure from America, never to fight against Bonaparte but at the head of a French army--which he firmly believed that the authority of his name would very soon enable him to collect, partly from the emigrants and prisoners that would be disposed to join him, but chiefly in consequence of the large defections which he reckoned upon from the forces of the tyrant.
By what circumstance he was afterwards led to abandon this noble and worthy resolution--or rather, as is more probable, to conceive that it might be substantially reconciled with the part which he actually adopted, we have no means of learning ; and should look in vain to such a writer as M. Suinine for information. It is probable that he may have thought his own active example necessary to decide the conduct of those whom he still expected to flock to his standard ; and that it became him to hazard even his consistency and reputation, in making an experiment, on the issue of which so much depended. Of such a man we are willing not only to judge favourably, but to presume highly; and had he lived to command in a victorious field, we make little doubt that he would have been joined by multitudes of those very men who are now fighting under the banners of Bonaparte; and, finally marching at the head of his countrymen to the liberation of his country, might have set at defiance the imputations to which the early part of his career had subjected him. Unfortunately for him--and for the world that part was all that he was permitted to perform; and a death, which postponed the deliverance of Europe, has ne. cessarily left a shade on his fame.
Observations made on a tour from Hamburgh, through Berlin,
Gorlitz, and Breslau, to Silberberg : and thence to Gottenburg, By Robert Semple, author of Two Journeys in Spain, &c. 12mo. pp. 270.
(From the Eclectic Review.]
MR. SEMPLE travelled during the momentous events of last year's campaign, and among the very scenes where those events were taking place--sometimes a day before one or other
of the armies, sometimes a day behind, sometimes at headquarters: he had opportunities of observing the Cossack soldiers, and the Emperor Alexander's favourite body of guards : he saw the crown prince and General Moreau, and witnessed the meeting of the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia. All this gives a kind of interest to his little book, which, in an idle hour, one is content to accept, in lieu of information. Besides this, Mr. S. met with a very odd sort of adventure in his peregrinations, which, however disagreeable to himself, certainly gives a little life to his book. At Berlin it was perfectly well known that Dresden, whither our traveller was going, was in the hands of the French. The government, however, (we are merely giving Mr. S's account of the matter,) did not choose to let this fact be generally known, and when Mr. S. applied for a passport thither, it was readily made out, and he was suffered to proceed without any intimation of the danger he was running. It was not till he arrived at Luckau, that he became acquainted with the state of affairs, and the necessity of changing his route. He took the road for Calau, intending to put himself under the protection of Lord Cathcart, to whoin he had a letter of recommendation; but at Hoyerswerda, being under great apprehensions of falling into the hands of the enemy, he took the precaution of destroying this letter, which, " in case of being taken,” he did not think likely to be of much service to bin. On this unfortunate piece of policy we leave our readers to make their own observations. The consequence of it was, that when he presented himself before his lordship, he was told that “ his passports contained no proof of his being a British subject, and that he was avowedly born in America."
In fine, Mr. Semple was regarded as a spy, and sent off, with one or two other prisoners of state, to the fortress of Silberberg, in which melancholy confinement he remained for eleven weeks. In his way thither, he was mobbed and execrated in almost every town they passed, and once or twice in no small danger of being stoned. “Behold that rascal, how bold he looks! What! does he call himself an Englishman? Ah! a good torturing will soon make him confess the truth.” At Silberberg, he was confined in the same durgeon with a Frenchman who had been his companion on the road, and afterwards with another, who formed rather a curious addition to the party.
“ On the fourth day, we were removed from the upper part of the , fortress to a casematte at the bottom of the ditch, in the face of the counterscarp. We had complained of our first lodging, but this was smaller, and still more damp and gloony. The walls were ten or twelve feet in thickness, so that the light came to us through the arcbes of the windows, like coming through a long passage.