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i the very reverse of what Mr. Robert Montgo- ner of the Morning Post-can produce emolu. mery intends to say

ment and fame? The circulation of this Our poet then proceeds to demonstrate the writer's poetry has been greater tharr that of immortality of the soul:

Southey's Roderic, and beyond all comparison

greater than that of Cafey's Dante, or of the " And shall the soul, the fount of reason, die,

best works of Coleridge. Thus encouraged, When dust and darkness round its temple lie ?

Mr. Robert Montgomery has favoured the pubDid God breathe in it no ethereal fire, Dimless and quenchless, though the breath expire.” lic with volume after volume. We have given

so much space to the examination of his first, The soul is a fountain ; and therefore it is not and most popular performance, that we have to die, though dust and darkness lie round its none to spare for his Universal Prayer, and his emple, because an ethereal fire has been smaller poems, which, as the puffing journals breathed into it, which cannot be quenched tell us, would alone constitute a sufficient title though its breath expire. Is it the fountain, to literary immortality. We shall pass at once or the temple, that breathes, and has fire to his last publication, entitled Satan. preathed into it?

This poem was ushered into the world with Mr. Montgomery apostrophizes the

the usual roar of acclamation. But the thing

was now past a joke. Pretensions so un“Immortal beacons,--spirits of the just.” founded, so impudent, and so successful, had

aroused a spirit of resistance. In several and describes their employments in another magazines and reviews, accordingly world, which are to be, it seems, bathing in has been handled somewhat roughly, and the

Satan light, hearing fiery streams flow, and riding on

arts of the puffers have been exposed with living cars of lightning. The deaibbed of the

good sense and spirit. We shall, therefore, be scepric is described with what we suppose is

very concise. meant for energy.

of the iwo poems, we rather prefer that on

the Omnipresence.of the Deity, for the same " See how he shudders at the thought of death!

reason which induced Sir Thomas Moore to What doubt and horror hang upon his breath, The gibbering teeth, glazed eye. and marble limb.

rank one bad book above another. “Marry, Shades from the tomb stalk out and stare at him." this is somewhat. This is rhyme. But the A man as stiff as roarble, shnddering and

other is neither rhyme nor reason.” Satan is gibbering violently, would certainly present so

a long soliloquy, which the Devil pronounces curious a spectacle, that the shades, if they

in five or six thousand lines of blank verse, came in his way, might well stare.

concerning geography, politics, newspapers,

fashionable society, theatrical amusements, We then have the deathbed of a Christian

Sir Walter Scott's novels, Lord Byron's poetry, made as ridiculous as false imagery and false

and Mr. Martin's pictures. The new designs English can make it. But this is not enough:

for Milton have, as was natural, particularly - The Day of Judgment is to be described,

attracted the attention of a personage who and a roaring cataract of nonsense is poured forth upon this tremendous subject. Earth, we

occupies so conspicuous a place in them. Mr. are told, is dashed into Eternity. Furnace

Martin must be pleased to learn, that, whatever blazes wheel round the horizon, and burst into

may be thought of those performances on bright wizard phantoms. Racing hurricanes

earth, they give full satisfaction in Pandemounroll and whirl quivering fire-clouds. The

nium, and that he is there thought to have hit while waves gallop. Shadowy worlds career

off the likenesses of the various thrones and

"dominations very happily. around. The red and raging eye of Imagination is then forbidden lo pry further. But fur.

The motto to the poem of Satan is taken

from the Book of Job :" Whence comest ther Mr. Robert Montgomery persists in pry

thou? From going to and fro in the earth, and ing. The stars bound through the airy roar.

walking up and down in it." And certainly, The unbosomed deep yawns on the ruin. The

Mr. Robert Montgomery has not failed to make billows of Eternity then begin to advance. The world glares in fiery slumber. A car

his hero go to and fro, and walk up and down.

With the exception, however, of ihis propencomes forward driven by living thunder.

sity to locomotion, Satan has not one Satanic “Creation shudders with sublime dismay, quality. Mad Tom had told us, that “the And in a blazing tempest wbirls away."

prince of darkness is a gentleman;" but we And this is fine poetry! This is what ranks had yet to learn that he is a respectable and its writer with the master-spirits of the age ! pious gentleman, whose principal fault is, that This is what has been described over and over he is something of a twaddle, and far too liberal again, in terms which would require some of his good advice. That happy change in his qualification is used respecting Paradise Lost! character which Origen anticipated, and of It is too much that this patchwork, made by which Tillotson did not despair, seens to be stitching together old odds and ends of what, rapidly taking place. Bad habits are not eradi.. when new, was, for the most part, but tawdry cated in a moinent. It is not strange, therefore, frippery, is to be picked off the dunghill on that so old an offender should now and then which it ought to rot, and to be held up to ad- relapse for a short time into wrong disposi miration as an inestimable specimen of art. tions. But to give him his due, as the proverb And what must we think of a system, by recommends, we must say, that he always remeans of which verses like those which we turns, after two or three lines of impiety, to his have quoted-verses fit only for the poet's cor- preaching tone. We would seriously advise

Mr. Montgomery to omit, or alter, about a hun Attend: the second, are & sensual tribe, dred lines in different parts of this large volume,

Convened to hear romantic harlois sing.

On forms to banquet a lascivious gaze, and to republish it under the name of “Ga While the bright perfidy of wanton eyes briel.” The reflections of which it consists Through brain and spirit darts delicious are: would come less absurdly, as far as there is a

The last, a throng most pitiful ! who seen,

With their corroded figures, rayless glance more and a less in extreme absurdity, from a And death-like struggle of decaying age, good than from a bad angel.

Like painted skeletons in charnel pomp

Set forth to satirize the human kind! We can afford room only for a single quota

How fine a prospect for demoniac view! tion. We give one taken at random-neither Creatures whose souls outbalance worlds awake! worse nor better, as far as we can perceive, Methinks I hear a pitying angel ery." than any other equal number of lines in the Here we conciude. If our remarks give book. The Devil goes to the play, and moral pain to Mr. Robert Montgomery, we are sorry izes thereon as follows:

for it. But, at whatever cost of pain to indi

viduals, literature must be purified of this "Music and pomp their mingling spirit shed Around me; beauties in their cloud-like robes

taint. And, to show that we are not actualed Shine forth.-a scenic paradise, it glares

by any feelings of personal enmity towards Intoxication through the reeling sense

him, we hereby give notice, that, as soon as or flushed enjoyment. In the motley host Three prime gradations may be ranked: the first,

any book shall, by means of puffi.ng, reach a To mount upon the wings of Shakspeare's mind, second edition, our intention is, to do unto the And win a dash of bis Promethean thought,-

writer of it as we have done unto Mr. Robert To smile and weep, to shudder and achieve A round of passionate omnipotence,

Montgomery.

CIVIL DISABILITIES OF THE JEWS.*

Tus distinguished member of the House of to say, some person or persons must have a Commons who, towards the close of the late right to political power. Parliament, brought forward a proposition for It is because men are not in the habit of the relief of the Jews, has given notice of his considering what the end of government is, intention to renew it. The force of reason, in that Catholic disabilities and Jewish disabilithe last session, carried the measure through ties have been suffered to exist so long. Wo one stage, in spite of the opposition of power. hear of essentially Protestant governments Reason and power are now on the same side; and essentially Christian governments, words and we have little doubt that they will con- which mean just as much as essentially Projointly achieve a decisive victory. In order testant cookery, or essentially Christian horseto contribute our share to the success of just manship. Government exists for the purpose principles, we propose to pass in review, as of keeping the peace, for the purpose of comrapidly as possible, some of the arguments, pelling us to settle our disputes by arbitration or phrases claiming to be arguments, which instead of settling them by blows, for the pur. have been employed to vindicate a system full pose of compelling us to supply our wants by of absurdity and injustice.

industry instead of supplying them by rapine. The constitution, it is said, is essentially This is the only operation for which the maChristian ; and therefore to admit Jews to office chinery of government is peculiarly adapted, is to destroy the constitution. Nor is the Jew the only operation which wise governments injured by being excluded from political power. ever propose to themselves as their chief ob. For no man has any right to his property; a man ject. If there is any class of people who are has a right to be protected from personal injury. not interested, or who do not think themselves These rights the law allows to the Jew; and interested, in the security of property and the with these rights it would be atrocious to inter- maintenance of order, that class ought to have sere. But it is a mere matter of favour to ad- no share of the powers which exist for the mit any man to political power; and no man purpose of securing property and maintaining can justly complain that he is shut out from it. order. But why a man should be less fit to

We cannot but admire the ingenuity of this exercise those powers because he wears a contrivance for shifting the burden of the proof beard, because he does not eat ham, because from those to whom it properly belongs, and he goes to the synagogue on Saturdays instead who would, we suspect, find it rather cumber- of going to the church on Sundays, we cannot some. Sarely no Christian can deny that every conceive. numan being has a right to be allowed every The points of difference between Christianity gratification which produces no harm to others, and Judaism have very much to do with a and to be spared every mortification which man's fitness to be a bishop or a rabbi. But produces no good to others. Is it not a source they have no more to do with his fitness to be of mortification to a class of men that they are a magistrate, a legislator, or a minister of excluded from political power? If it be, they finance, than with his fitness to be a cobbler, have, on Christian principles, a right to be Nobody has ever thought of compelling cob freed from that mortification, unless it can be blers to make any declaration on the true faith * shown that their exclusion is necessary for the of a Christian. Any man would rather have averting of some greater evil. The presump- his shoes mended by a heretical cobbler than tion is evidently in favour of toleration. It is by a person who had subscribed all the thirtyfor the persecutor to make out his oase. nine articles, but had never handled an awl.

The strange argument which we are con- Men act thus, not because they are indifferent sidering would prove too much even for those to religion, but because they do not see what who advance it. If no man has a right to po- religion has to do with the mending of their litical power, then neither Jew nor Gentile has shoes. Yet religion has as much to do with the such a right. The whole foundation of go-mending of shoes as with the budget and the vernment is taken away. But if government army estimates. We have surely had several be taken away, the property and the persons signal proofs within the last twenty years that of men are insecure; and it is acknowledged a very good Christian may be a very bad that men have a right to their property and to Chancellor of the Exchequer. personal security. If it be right that the pro But it would be monstrous, say the persecu perty of men should be protected, and if this tors, that Jews should legislate for a Christian can only be done by means of government, community. This is a palpable misrepresen. then it must be right that government should tation. What is proposed is, not that the Jews exist. Now there cannot be government unless should legislate for a Christian community, but sume person or persons possess political power. that a legislature composed of Christians and Therefore it is right that some person or per- Jews should legislate for a community com sons should possess political power. That is posed of Christians and Jews. On nine

hundred

and ninety-nine questions out of a thousand, Statement of the Civil Disabilities and Privations af- and criminal law, of foreign policy, the Jew

on all questions of police, of finance, ef eivi. tacting Jews in England. Syo, London : 1820.

Vol. V-84

as a Jew, has no interest hostile to that of the money-market, and the money-market ma, Christian, or even to that of the Churchman. govern the world. The minister may be in Un questions relating to the ecclesiastical doubi as to his scheme of finance till he has establishment, the Jew and the Churchman been closeted with the Jew. A congress of may differ. But they cannot differ more widely sovereigns may be forced to summon the Jew than the Catholic and the Churchman, or the to their assistance. The scrawl of the dew on Independent and the Churchman. The princi- the back of a piece of paper may be worth ple that Churchmen ought to monopolize the more than the royal word of three kings, or whole power of the state would at least have the nalional faith of three new American rean intelligible meaning. The principle that publics. But that he should put Rigbt Honour. Christians ought to monopolize it has no mean- able before his name would be the most frighting at all. For no question connected with ful of national calamities. the ecclesiastical institutions of the country! It was in this way that some of our politi. can possibly come before Parliament, with re- cians reasoned about the Irish Catholics. The spect to which there will not be as wide a dif. Catholics ought to have no political power. ference between Christians as there can be the sun of England is set for ever if the between any Christian and any Jew.

Catholics exercise political power. Give the In fact, the Jews are not now excluded from Catholics every thing else; but keep political any political power. They possess it; and as power from them. These wise men did not long as they are allowed to accumulate large see that, when every thing else had been given, fortunes, they must possess it. The distinction political power had been given. They conwhich is sometimes made between civil privi. Itinued to repeat their cuckoo song, when it leges and political powers is a distinction with was no longer a question whether Catholics out a difference. Privileges are power. Civil should have political power or not, when a and political are synonymous words, the one Catholic Association bearded the Parliament, derived from the Latin, the other from the when a Catholic agitator exercised infinitely Greek. Nor is this mere verbal quibbling. more authority than the lord-lientenant. If we look for a moment at the facts of the If it is our duty as Christians to exclude the case, we shall see that the things are insepara- Jews from political power, it must be our duty ble, or rather identical.

to treat them as our ancestors treated them, to That a Jew should be a judge in a Christian murder them, and banish them, and rob them. country would be most shocking. But he may For in that way, and in that way alone, can we be a juryman. He may try issues of fact; really deprive ihem of political power. If we and no harm is done. But if he should be do not adopt this course, we may take away the suffered to try issues of law, there is an end shadow, but we must leave them the subof the constitution. He may sit in a box stance. We may do enough to pain and irriplainly dressed, and return verdicts. But that tate them; but we shall not do enough to he should sit on the bench in a black gown and secure ourselves from danger, if danger really white wig, and grant new trials, would be an exists. Where wealth is, there power must abomination not to be thought of among bap- inevitably be. tized people. The distinction is certainly most The English Jews, we are told, are not Eng. philosophical.

| lishmen. They are a separate people, living Whai power in civilized society is so great locally in this island, but living morally and as that of the creditor over the debtor? If we politically in communion with their brethren take this away from the Jew, we take away who are scattered over all the world. Au froin him the security of his property. If we English Jew looks on a Dutch or a Portuguese leave it to him, we leave to him a power more Jew as his countryman, and on an English despotic by far than that of the king and all Christian as a stranger. This want of patriohis cabinet.

tic feeling, it is said, renders a Jew unfit to It would be impious to let a Jew sit in Par-exercise political functions. liament. But a Jew may make money; and The argument has in it something plausible: money may make members of Parliament. but a close examination shows it to be quite Gatton and old Sarum may be the property of unsound. Even if the alleged facts are admit a Hebrew. An elector of Penryn will take ted, still the Jews are not the only people who ten pounds from Shylock rather than nine have preferred their sect to their country. The pounds nineteen shillings and eleven pence feeling of patriotism, when society is in a Three farthings from Antonio. To this no ob-healthful state, springs up, by a natural and jection is made. That a Jew should possess inevitable association, in the minds of citizens the substance of legislative power, that he who know that they owe all their comforts and should command eight votes on every division pleasures to the bond which unites them in as if he were the great Duke of Newcastle one community. But, under a partial and op. himself, is exactly as it should be. But that pressive government, these associations cannot he should pass the bar and sit down on those acquire that strength which they have in a mysterious cushions of green leather, that he better state of things. Men are compelled to should cry "hear” and “order," and talk about seek from their party that protection which being on his legs, and being, for one, free to they ought to receive from their country, and fay this and to say that, would be a profana- they, by a natural consequence, transfer to their tiroin sufficient to bring ruin on the country. party that affection which they would other

That a Jew should be privy-councillor to a wise have felt for their country. The HugueChristian king would be an eternal disgrace to nots of France called in the help of England the nation. But the Jew may govern the against their Catholio kings. The Catholios ef France called in the help of Spain against a their countrymen. It will not be denied that Huguenot king. Would it be fair to infer, that they are far better affected to the state than the at present the French Protestants would wish followers of Coligni or Vane. But they are to see their religion made dominant by the help not so well treated as the dissenting sects of of a Prussian or English army ? Surely not. Christians are now treated in England; and And why is it that they are not willing, as they on this account, and, we firmly believe, on this formerly were willing, to sacrifice the interests account alone, they have a more exclusive of their country to the interests of their reli- spirit. Till we have carried the experiment gious persuasion ? The reason is obvious: they farther, we are not entitled to conclude that were persecuted then, and are not persecuted they cannot be made Englishmen altogether. now. The English Puritans, under Charles The statesman who treats them as aliens, and the First, prevailed on the Scotch to invade then abuses them for not entertaining all the England. "Do the Protestant Dissenters of our feelings of natives, is as unreasonable as the time wish to see the church put down by an tyrant who punished their fathers for not mak. invasion of foreign Calvinists? If not, to what ing bricks without straw. cause are we to attribute the change? Surely | Rulers must not be suffered thus to absolve to this, that the Protestant Dissenters are far bet- themselves of their solemn responsibility. It ter treated now than in the seventeenth century. does not lie in their mouths to say that a sect Some of the most illustrious public men that is not patriotic. It is their business to make England ever produced were inclined to take it patriotic. History and reason clearly indi. refuge from the tyranny of Laud in North cate the means. The English Jews are, as far America. Was this because Presbyterians and as we can see, precisely what our government Independents are incapable of loving their has made them. They are precisely what any country? But it is idle to multiply instances. sect, what any class of men, treated as they Nothing is so offensive to a man who knows have been treated, would have been. If all the any thing of history or of human nature as to red-haired people in Europe had, during cenhear those who exercise the powers of governo turies, been ouiraged and oppressed, banished ment accuse any sect of foreign attachments. from this place, imprisoned in thal, deprived If there be any proposition universally true in of their money, deprived of their teeth, con. politics it is this, that foreign attachments are victed of the most improbable crimes on the the fruit of domestic misrule. It has always feeblest evidence, dragged at horses' tails, been the trick of bigots to make their subjects hanged, tortured, burned alive, if, when manmiserable at home, and then to complain that ners became milder, they had still beca subject they look for relief abroad; to divide society, to debasing restrictions and exposed to vulgar and to wonder that it is not united; to govern insults, locked up in particular streets in some as if a section of the state were the whole, and countries, pelted and ducked by the rabble in to censure the other sections of the state for others, excluded eyerywhere from magistracies their want of patriotic spirit. If the Jews have and honours, what would be the patriotism of not felt towards England like children, it is gentlemen with red hair? And if, under such because she has treated them like a step. circumstances, a proposition were made for mother. There is no feeling which more cer- admitling red-haired men to office, how striking tainly developes itself in the minds of men a speech might an eloquent admirer of our living onder tolerably good government than old institutions deliver against so revolutionary the feeling of patriotism." Since the beginning a measure ! « These men," he might say, of the world, there never was any nation, or * scarcely consider themselves as Englishmen. any large portion of any nation, not cruelly They think a red-haired Frenchman or a redoppressed, which was wholly destitute of that haired German more closely connected with feeling. To make it therefore ground of ac-them than a man with brown hair born in their cnsation against a class of men, that they are own parish. If a foreign sovereign patronizes not patriotic, is the most vulgar legerdemain red hair, they love him better than their own of sophistry. It is the logic which the wolf pative king. They are not Englishmen: they employs against the lamb. It is to accuse the cannot be Englishmen: nature has forbidden mouth of the stream of poisoning the source. it: experience proves it to be impossible.

If the English Jews really felt a deadly haired Right to political power they have none; for to England, if the weekly prayer of their syna- no man has a right to political power. Le! gogues were that all the curses denounced by them enjoy personal security; lei their proEzekiel on Tyre and Egypt might fall on Lon-perty be under the protection of the law. But don, if, in their solemn feasts, they called down if they ask for leave to exercise power over a blessings on those who should dash our chil. community of which they are only half memdren to pieces on the stones, still, we say, their bers, a community the constitution of which is hatred to their countrymen would not be more essentially dark-haired, let us answer them in intense than that which sects of Christians the words of our wise-ancestors, Nolumus leges have often borne to each other. But in fact Angliæ mutari.the feeling of the Jews is not such. It is pre- But, it is said, the Scriptures declare that cisely what, in the situation in which they are the Jews are to be restored to their own counplaced, we should expect it to be. They are try; and the whole nation looks forward to treated far better than the French Protestants that restoration. They are, therefore, not so were treated in the sixteenth and seventeenth deeply interested as others in the prosperity of centuries, or than our Puritans were treated in England. It is not their home, but merely the the time of Laud. They, therefore, have no place of their sojourn, the house of their bonrancour against the government or against dage. This argument, which first appeared in

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