usage of Tacitus. The passage, Chap. 34 (sed obstitit oceanus in se simulatque in Herculem inquiri) confirms us in this view. Very possibly there was at the same time present to the writer's mind the sense of the sea as a formidable physical obstacle perpetually confronting (adversus) mankind. Comp. Hor. C. i. 3. 22, oceano dissociabili. So too Matthew Arnold, 'the estranging sea.' (Poems, First Series, p. 197.)

5. Praeter periculum.] To say nothing of the danger.'
6. Horridi.] Sc. rough from the action of the winds.
7. Asia.] Asia Minor.

8. Africa.] Sc. the Roman province.

9. Informem terris.] Referring to the vast forests and morasses of Germany. Informis means, 'not brought into a proper form or condition.' Comp. Ch. 16, materia informi, and Ch. 45, informe perfertur (sucinum).

10. Cultu.] The word 'cultus' (often nearly equivalent to our civilisation) includes here the general character of the tillage of the soil and of the mode of life of the inhabitants, in all which Germany was such a striking contrast to Italy. Comp. Thucyd. I. 2, where the autochthonous character of the population of Attica is attributed to the poverty of the soil.

11. Tuistonem.] So Kritz after the best MSS. Orelli reads Tuisconem which Grimm and Zeuss prefer on philological grounds.

12. Originem gentis conditoresque.] Tuisto and Mannus were in popular belief both the parents (origo) of the German people and the founders of their laws and customs (conditores).

13. Ut in licentia vetustatis.] As is to be expected where antiquity gives a license to fiction.' Comp. for this use of ut' Ch. 22, ut inter vinolentos; Ch. 45, ut barbaris; Agr. II, ut inter barbaros.

14. Deo.] Sc. Mannus.

Of

15. Marsos, Gambrivios, Suevos, Vandalios.] these only the Suevi are afterwards mentioned. The name of the Marsi occurs Ann. I. 50, in the account of the first campaign of Germanicus in Germany, and their territory, probably on both banks of the Ems, was the farthest limit to which the Roman arms advanced on that occasion. Neither the Gambrivii or Vandalii are elsewhere mentioned by Tacitus. Strabo speaks of the former (who were perhaps the same as the Chamavi) in connexion with the Cherusci and Chatti; the latter appear

in Pliny as the Vindili, and their settlements seem to have been between the Oder and Vistula.

16. Ceterum.] The word marks a transition. Tacitus has been speaking of the various ancient names by which the Germans were known; he now passes to the modern and universal name.

17. Qui primi Rhenum, &c.] The Belgae, according to Caesar, B. G. II. 4, were to a large extent of German origin, and had at a former period crossed the Rhine, and dispossessed the Gauls in those parts. These invading tribes went under the various names of Condrusi, Eburones, Caeraesi, &c.; they were however comprehended under the general appellation of Germans. But this appellation (which, Tacitus expressly says, in its wider application was modern) was for a time confined to those who had established themselves by conquest in Gallic territory.

18. Ita nationis...vocarentur.] Natio' and 'gens' (in the reading which we have adopted) must mean tribe' and 'race' respectively, and the two words are thus used by Velleius, II. 98, omnibus ejusdem gentis nationibus in arma accensis. Natio has this meaning, c. 38, Germaniae partem obtinent (Suevi) propriis adhuc nationibus nominibusque discreti. 'Natio' thus denotes the comparatively small conquering section of the 'universa gens' which had crossed the Rhine, and which, to inspire terror into the conquered (ob metum) gave itself out to be a mere fraction of a great kindred people still remaining on the other side of the river. The name 'German,' adopted in the first instance by these victorious invaders of Gaul (a victore), and thus rendered terrible by its associations, was soon afterwards (mox) that by which the entire people called themselves. The passage may be thus rendered: Thus the name of a tribe and not of a race prevailed till all called themselves by the self-invented name of Germans, a name first employed by the conquerors because of the terror it inspired.' The newest view of the original signification of the name 'German' is that it means 'one who shouts' (from a Keltic word guir), and, like the Greek Bony ȧyalós, denotes a warrior.

CHAPTER III.

1. Herculem.] Tacitus speaks throughout his work of the German divinities under Roman names. (Comp. Ch. 9, Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt. Martem concessis anima

libus placant. In Ann. II. 12, we have mention of a grove sacred to Hercules. He seems to have represented among the Germans a hero rather than an actual god.

2. Memorant.] 'Authors tell us.' We should have apud se instead of apud eos if 'Germani' were the nominative to 'memorant.' Tacitus has in his mind the various Greek writers who had treated of Germany and other countries.

3. Primum.] Equivalent to 'maximum,' or 'praecipuum.' 4. Virorum fortium.] Sc. heroes and demigods.

5. Haec quoque carmina.] Haec is for talia or ejusmodi, and implies such songs as were sung under the circumstances of going into battle. Comp. Hist. II. 22, temere subeuntes Germanorum cohortes cantu truci.

6. Relatu.] 'Recital.' The word is found only in Tacitus.

7. Barditum.] So Kritz with the best MSS., though, as he says, there can hardly be any reference to the Keltic bards, an order of men of whom we hear nothing among the Germans. Orelli reads 'baritus' after Grimm, who connects the word with the Frisian 'baria' (to raise a shout). Dr Latham thinks that Tacitus erroneously describes a German custom by a Gallic name, but that he was perfectly aware of the differences between the Germanic and Gallic practice. Ritter brackets the words (quem barditum vocant) believing them to have been added by some reader imperfectly acquainted with the matter.

8. Ipso cantu.] From the mere sound of the song.' This appears to be the force of the pronoun.

9. Trepidantve.] Ve implies that the word to which it is affixed expresses the less probable alternative.

IO. Prout sonuit acies.] Comp. Hist. IV. 18, where we read of the war-song of the men and the shrill cries of the women rising from the entire line of the army of the Batavian chief, Civilis.

II. Nec tam voces...videntur.] The pronoun illae is the subject of the sentence, the meaning of which is, "Those [shouts] do not so much seem articulate words as a united cry of valour.' Orelli takes 'concentus' to be the plural number. This does not appear necessary.

12. Fractum murmur.] The sound instead of issuing straight out of their mouths was broken by their shields, which produced the echo afterwards mentioned.

13. Plenior et gravior.] Of a fuller and deeper tone.'

14. Opinantur.] The word 'opinari' is especially used of rash and groundless conjectures.

15. In hunc oceanum.] Sc. the northern ocean, which has been already mentioned.

16. Asciburgium.] Now Asburg. It is mentioned, Hist. IV. 33, as a Roman military station on the left bank of the Rhine.

17. Aram.] The word implies some kind of stone monu

ment.

18. Ulixi.] Orelli, after Ernesti and Passow, takes this for ab Ulixe. It is better however to take it as meaning 'in honour of and to the memory of Ulixes.' Similarly, veterem aram Druso sitam, Ann. II. 7, means an altar raised by the army to the memory of Drusus.

19. Adhuc extare.] Tacitus may have borrowed this from the elder Pliny's great work on the Roman wars in Germany. Pliny had himself served in Germany.

20. Fidem.] The word here means something more than 'belief;' it implies the grounds on which belief should rest, so that addere fidem is almost equivalent to 'confirmare argumentis.'

CHAPTER IV.

1. Aliis aliarum.] This pleonasm, Kritz observes, is used with the deliberate intention of marking as distinctly as possible the difference between the Germans and all other barbarians.

2. Truces et caerulei oculi.] Caesar, B. G. I. 39, represents the Gauls as saying that in action they had often been scared by the fierce looks and eyes of the Germans. Both Horace and Juvenal use the epithet caeruleus (caerulus) in connexion with them. Horace, Epod. XVI. 7, Nec fera caerulea domuit Germania pube. Juvenal, XIII. 164, Caerula quis stupuit Germani lumina ?

3. Rutilae comae.] Comp. Agr. 11.

4. Magna corpora.] Comp. Ch. 20, and Hist. IV. 1, where it appears that after the capture of Rome by the Flavianists, it was assumed that any very tall man was a German, and a Vitellianist.

5. Ad impetum valida.] We have the same character

of the Germans, Ann. II. 14, where Germanicus in his speech to his army is represented as saying of them that though their appearance is dreadful, and though their strength is great for a sudden effort, yet they are unable to endure wounds.' A somewhat similar description is given of the Highlanders who followed the young Pretender.

6. Laboris atque operum.] Labor' denotes toil generally; 'opera,' as elsewhere, has special reference to work connected with a campaign, intrenching camps, cutting down timber,' &c.

7. Aestumque tolerare.] Comp. Hist. II. 93, where the German soldiers in Rome are described as suffering 'aestus impatientia.'

CHAPTER V.

1. Aliquanto.] 'To a considerable extent.'

2.

Silvis horrida.] 'Bristling with forests,' such as the 'silva Hercynia, Caesia, Teutoburgiensis,' &c.

3. Satis.] The ablative case of 'satum' (a sown crop), a word frequently used by Virgil.

4. Frugiferarum arborum.] Sc. the finer kinds of fruittrees, as the mention of poma agrestia in Ch. 23 shews. The vine was then unknown in Germany.

5. Improcera.] The construction appears to be suddenly changed for the sake of avoiding the awkward sound of 'improcerorum.' It is not possible that improcera can be applied to 'terra,' as has been assumed by some interpreters. Even Tacitus would not have ventured on so obscure an expression.

6. Ne armentis...frontis.] The horses do not attain their proper size, and the cattle have not such fine horns as they have in Italy. The word 'armentum' derived from aro includes horses' and horned cattle.

·

7. Numero gaudent.] "They (the people) take delight in having a large number.' 'Numerus' is often equivalent to 9 magnus munerus. Comp. (at end of chapter) 'numerus argen

teorum.'

8. Haud perinde.] Orelli takes this as equivalent to non admodum. There is no doubt an implied contrast between German simplicity and Roman luxury and avarice. This seems better than Kritz's view, that perinde compares possessio and usus ('they care more about possessing than using,' &c.).