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Sir, as to all of you, on both sides, being "Print it, and shame the rogues?". represented" as being eagerly struggling No, Sir, the noble Lord will not "succeed for places and power," I really do not in driving all public men from power," think it necessary to say any thing but by which you must have meant all the this: that, if the representation be not true, present holders of, and candidates for, I am greatly afraid, that a very ugly im- power and place; these his lordship will putation must be taken to yourselves; for, no more drive from power, than the WelI put it to yourself, Sir, whether both par-lesleys will, I fear, drive the French out ties have not, a thousand and a thousand of Spain; or than the Archduke Charles times over, preferred this charge against one will drive the Duke of Dantzick out of another; a question which, I am sure, you Germany. Before I dismiss this must answer in the affirmative.- No, article, I cannot refrain from noticing Sir, there is no one but a fool or a rogue, one observation in the speech of Mr. who is so unjust as to accuse any of you Perceval (see page 613), namely, that of having nothing in view but the emo- "it was not the punishment of past of"luments of office;" for, setmp to bear fences, which we should so ardently in mind the maxim of ST. PAUL, that it iseek, as remedies and preventives of being worse than a heathen to neglect one's "such abuses."—Good; but, how came own kindred, most of the public men of we to hear nothing of this, Sir, when you our day, with filial and paternal and con- prosecuted HAMLIN, the Tiuman of Plyjugal tenderness, take care to make pretty mouth, who had seen hundreds and thoudecent provision for their mothers and sands of advertisements of places under fathers, sisters and brothers, wives, chil- government for sale, and who was so ignodren, and other relations; there being rant a man, that when the warrant went from the maxim of the Apostle only this down for apprehending him, he took it to trifling deviation, that he seems to have be the patent for his place? How came we meant such provision to have proceeded to hear nothing of this doctrine then, Sir, from a man's own private means, while when you demanded his punishment in the the provision we have here been speaking name of PUBLIC JUSTICE, and when of proceeds from the means of the public, the judge pronounced sentence upon him and those means, too, of which members for the sake of example?- -It is very true, of the House of Commons are, by the that our great object ought to be, the preconstitution, considered as the stewards. venting of future crimes; but, Sir, this object --Now, Sir, as to the "warfare," which is not to be attained by the suffering of you have to support," in the House, I past crimes to go unpunished; for, if this have first to complain, that you did not were the case, what justice is there in pumake honourable and grateful mention of nishing sheep-stealing, or even murder? me, when you were complaining of the What would be said of a judge, who, when toils and dangers of that warfare; for, has a man should be arraigned for burglary, it not been a subject of constant complaint were to say: "It is not the punishment with me, that there were regular fights "of past offences that we ought so ardently carried on in the House; grand pitched "to seek, as the prevention of future of battles, upon days fixed on for the purpose "fences; and, therefore, we will not punish long before-hand? Have I not been con- "this man, nor will we even expose him stantly lamenting the existence of a drilled and disciplined and embodied Opposition? Have I not a thousand times expressed my earnest wish to relieve the king's servants from this warfare by keeping them out of the House, upon the principles of the Act of Settlement? Have I not said again and again, that it is impossible for men, who sit up debating till two or three o'clock in the morning, to attend properly to the management of great state-aflairs? As to the malignity," with which you are assailed out of the House, loid Folkestone offered you a remedy for it; a complete remedy; inquiry, proof of innocence, and publicity of that proof. Why not print it, Sir? Print it, Sir;

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2

to a trial?" What would be said of such a judge, Sir?The public will answer this question for you, Sir; nor will they fail to come to a just decision upon the whole of the matter relating to the rejected motion of Lord Folkestone. I trust, too, that that motion will produce full as good a national effect as if it had been carried, and as if the full inquiry had taken place. I trust, that the reasoning, which must, as to this matter, pass in the public mind, will supply the place of the searching object of the motion itself; I trust, that the conclusions which will, and which must be drawn, in the mind of every man of sense, will receive an impression so deep as never to be effaced; and I trust, that

made his person an object of curiosity. In short, I think, this unusual anxiety; these very rare marks of public interest, cannot be ascribed to any thing but the well-known cause of the meeting, and an earnest wish for the success of that cause. -It would be quite impossible for me to give, in my limited space, any thing

we, by our fire-sides, shall frequently remind each other-That, on the 17th of April, 1809, Lord Viscount Folkestone moved, in the House of Commons, "that a "Committee be appointed to inquire into "the existence of the corrupt disposal of "offices in the state; of the disposal of Com"missions in the army contrary to the regulations; and also into the practices rela-like an analysis of the speeches at this "ting to levies;" that the said motion was REJECTED, there being only 30 members for it, and 178 against it; and that the persons who voted for it were these: Lord Ossulstore

Lord Viscount Forbes
Sir Wm. Lemon, bart.
Sir T. Miller, bart.
Sir John St. Aubyn, bart.
George Hibbert, esq.
George Knapp, esq.
Thomas Foley, esq.
J. Scudamore, esq.
T. J. Symmonds, esq.
Thomas Creevey, esq.
Lord Althorpe
Wm. Ord, esq.
Hon. C. Pelham
D. North, esq.
Henry Parnell, esq.
G. L. Wardie, esq.

Samuel Whitbread, esq.
Lord Archibald Hamilton
C. C. Western, esq.
H. Tracey, esq.
T. W. Coke, esq.
Joseph Halsey, esq.
H. C. Combe, esq.
John Calcraft, esq.
Hon. C. Bradshaw,
Lee Antonie, esq.
Hon. W. Lambe
Hon. W. Lyttleton
J. M. Lloyd

TELLERS.

Lord Folkestone

Hon. C. Hutchinson.

These are precious facts. They should be the subject of conversation in all families. Every man, who is well acquainted with them, should make it a point to see that twenty other men are made to understand the matter clearly. There needs no eloquence; no garnish of style to set off such facts. A man, who has facts like these to detail, can be under no temptation either to write or to speak any thing that can, by the utmost stretch of legal ingenuity and chicane, be tortured into a libel. Plain matter of fact is all that the nation wants; and of that, as far as my circulation extends, it shall have a plentiful supply.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.On Monday, the 1st of this month, there was held, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, London, a Meeting of "THE FRIENDS OF PARLIAMENTARY REFORM," at which meeting SIR FRANCIS BURDETT presided. The assemblage was very numerous, not less than from eleven to twelve hundred people dining upon the occasion; and, what is of still more importance to notice, thousands being assembled in the streets near the Tavern, without any expectation of seeing a gaudy show, or any thing merely calculated to please the eye. It was not to see Sir Francis Burdett, for every soul in London had seen him before. In part it might be to see MR. WARDLE; but, then, it was the principles, which had

meeting. I will, therefore, first insert the RESOLUTIONS that were passed; and will then make a few of those remarks, which I · think the most likely to be useful.-

"At a Meeting of the Friends of such a "Reform as would secure to the People "the reality and uses of REPRESENTA"TION in PARLIAMENT, held at the "Crown and Anchor Tavern, Strand, Lon"don, on Monday, 1st May, 1809.

"Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, Bart. M.P. " in the Chair.-It was Resolved,

1. "That it is the grand principle of "the Constitution, that the People shall "have a share in the government, by a just representation in Parliament.

2. "That the long duration of Parlia"ments greatly facilitates the corruption "of the Members, and removes that "wholesome check or controul on their "conduct, a frequent recurrence to the "opinions of their Constituents.

3. "That in a Petition presented to the "House of Commons on the 6th May "1793, it was offered to be proved at the "Bar, that 154 individuals did, by their "own authority, appoint or procure the "return of 307 Members of that House,'

(exclusive of those from Scotland), ' who "were thus enabled to decide all ques

tions in the name of the whole people "of Great Britain.'

4. "That this Meeting believes indivi"dual patronage in Boroughs has increas"ed since 1793;-that in those in which "the voters are few, and which are called "OPEN, the returns are for the most part "obtained for money;-that the Repre"sentation for Scotland is extremely in"fluenced;-and that there are great de"fects in that of Ireland: and it is the opinion of this Meeting, that a great

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majority of the Members of the Com"mons House are so returned that the na"tion is not constitutionally represented;

though it is taxed to support an expen"diture of seventy millions sterling a " year.

5. That in the Act (commonly called "the Act of Settlement) which placed "the House of Brunswick on the Throne

in

the experience of our own country to sanction us. The Unions with Scotland and with Ireland were both effected in time of war; and, I remember, that, in the latter case, Lord Auckland congratu

undertaken in times of war, of difficulty, and of danger. And, if we believe, as we do believe, and as Mr. Stuart admits, that the principle of Parliamentary Reform is

not Mr. Wardle there, too, he, who has received and is receiving the praise of the whole nation, and of no one more warmly than of Mr. Stuart? Are Major Cartwright and Mr. Maddocks men to entertain views hostile to the settled order of law and pro-lated the country upon the measure being perty? Or are these gentlemen, and hundreds of other men of large property, who were present, such fools as not to perceive the dritt of that cunning, crafty person, Sir Francis Burdett?But, the COURIER al-wise and just, and, of course, that the mealows, that a reform of the House of Commons is a very desirable thing, and a thing which the editor wishes to see brought about; but, he suggests, that a time of war is not the proper time. The truth is, that the time has always been found improper by those who wished it never to take place, and who had not boldness enough to deny the necessity of it. Let us examine, then, into the validity of this objection in point of time.If to reform the House of Commons was one of those measures or enterprizes, which would necessarily draw off any portion, however small, of the resources of the kingdom, either in men or money, then I should say, that the objection might be valid; because, in time of war, these are wanted for the purposes of national defence. The purchasing of so many buildings and pulling them down, in order to beautify the environs of the House of Commons in time of war, might, upon this ground, have been objected to, though it never was. Many other things of the same sort, or something similar at least, might be mentioned. If the reform of the parliament required any maritime enterprize to accompany it, then a time of war might be a bad time. But no resources either of men or of money does this measure demand; and, as far as I am able to discover, not the smallest obstructions to the operations of war could it possibly produce. "The attention of the government." But, why should it engross the attention of the king's ministers? Not to mention, that their whole time, for many many months past, has been engrossed by endeavours to defend those acts, which have proceeded solely from a want of such reform. Besides: for all great and important improvements, there is nothing like a time of public danger. It is precisely then that men are awake to the necessity of doing that, which, in times of no danger or embarrassment, they are too listless to attempt. It is when we most acutely feel the pain, that we have the courage to apply the remedy, and not in our intervals of comparative ease. We have, moreover,

sure will be gratifying to the people, what, let me ask, would so forcibly tend to make the people patient under the heavy pressure created by the war, and to induce them to shed their blood in their country's defence? There is no prospect, at present, of a safe termination to this war. Mr. Fox observed, that our measures should be calculated for twenty years duration of hostilities; though, poor man, he was dissuaded from the adoption of any such measures. When we look at the state of Europe; when we consider the age of Napoleon; when we view his character, his evident intentions, and the means he has to work with; when we take this survey, is it possible for us not to see the absolute necessity of placing our affairs at home upon a permanent and solid footing; and, I ask any man of sense, whether that is to be done without such a change as will gain the government the confidence of the people? I do not think it at all unlikely, that, with now-and-then a short interval of repose, the war may continue for another twelve or fifteen years. To settle in any thing like tranquillity so many new dynasties and orders of things cannot be the work of a few years. Those of us who are now in the prime of life will have beards of a very grizly hue long before Europe will again know the blessings of real peace. And, I ask you, even you, Mr. Windham, who seem to be the most resolutely bent against any change in our internal state, whether you seriously believe, that this nation can, during such a conflict, preserve its independence, with such heart-burnings, such never-ceasing jealousies and suspicions, such universal distrust, as now prevail, and which will continue to prevail, until the people see themselves fully and fairly represented in the House of Commons? How vain have been all our attempts to stem the torrent of revolution, in every part of Europe! Victories we have sometimes gained; immense armies we have brought, by our money, into the field; we have formed leagues and covenants in abundance; we have roused to

disgust. We must resolve to be forbearing towards one another, always remembering, that our enemies are knit together by the double principle of guilt and fear.

MR. WHITE'S PETITION.-This Petition, which I have inserted below, I beg leave most earnestly to recommend to the attentive perusal of every reader. It contains matter of instruction as well as of information. In my next I have some few observations to make with respect to it.

By those who really love their country, the case of this gentleman will never be forgotten; and, for presenting his Petition, Mr. Whitbread has my unfeigned thanks.

Botley, May 3.

PETITION OF MR. HENRY WHITE.-Pre-
sented to the House of Commons, by Mr.
Whitbread, on the 24th of April, 1809.
SHEWETH,

tvar even those who seemed disposed to be quietly conquered; our all-persuading gold has made the wretchedest cowards upon earth expose their breasts to the bayonet; nor have we been wanting in bribing to our aid any passion or any folly of which the human heart is susceptible. But, still the fire of revolution goes on; and, instead of damping, we really seem to feed the flame. How narrow, then, how pitiful must be the mind, which can entertain the hope of any general or durable advantage from the efforts of the Wellesleys, for instance, in Spain and Portugal; or from any such attempts! Thus we go on, from day to day, from expedient to expedient,adopting any thing rather than that, which, by making us sound at home, would enable us to set the world at defiance. However men may disagree as to particular principles of politics, there is one generally prevailing persuasion; and that is, that, as we are, we cannot long con- That your Petitioner is the sole Protinue. Some look forward to peace as the prietor of the Independent Whig Newsday of deliverance from danger; others, paper, which, from its first commencestill more sanguine, entertain the mad ment, has been, and still is, printed at No. hope of over-turning Napoleon; but, all 23, in Warwick-square, within the said agree, that, without some change in our city of London: and that your Petitioner is favour, we cannot long proceed. Well, now a prisoner in the County Gaol of the then, why fly to these uncertain sources county of Dorset, in pursuance of the Sen of hope? Why not adopt a change com- tence of the Court of Pleas, held before the pletely within our power? A change King himself at Westminster, (usually callwhich, though even the glorious navy were ed the Court of King's Bench) which senannihilated, would render England secure? tence was pronounced at Westminster, a -To return, for a moment, to the Meet-place not within the said City of London, ing, I was not surprized to hear Mr. WIL- contrary to the rights and privileges of the LIAM SMITH full of the " difficulties" attend- Citizens of the said City. ing our exertions; but, I am very far from agreeing with him in opinion. The country never saw the necessity of reform so plainly as it does now. That necessity is seen and felt, from one end of the kingdom to the other. There is but one opinion and one feeling amongst all well-informed men, not supported by the public money. This never was the case before. The thing is now demanded from a conviction of its necessity to preserve us from utter ruin; and, suppose it were to be a work of years instead of months, if we die our selves without enjoying the fruit of our labour, we have children to leave behind us. Those who are now boys will soon be men; and, we should always bear in our minds, that, it is into their minds that our principles will be instilled.—Steadiness in perseverance is the most valuable quality in all enterprizes of this sort. There must be no hurry. The thing will not be hurried; but we must not relax, and above all things, we must not give way to pique or

Your Petitioner published, in his said Newspaper in Warwick-square, within the said City, in the months of December, 1807, and January, 1808, certain Letters, signed "T. C.""Humanitas," "A Sea

man," and "Junius," for which Publications criminal Informations were filed, ex officio, against your Petitioner by the King's Attorney-General, in Hilary Term, 1808, at Westminster, a place without the said City of London, although a Grand Jury of the Citizens of the said City was sitting at the very time within the said City; in which Informations, it was alledged that the above named Publications were scandalous and malicious libels, though the said Publications were not alledged to be in any particular false or untrue. Now it is not only the privilege of the Citizens of the said City, but the acknowledged right of every subject of the British empire who is accused of crimes and misdemeanors, to have an Indictment preferred before the best men of his County, who are