QUIRY.-TENTH: That, in the year, tion; but, those of you, who may think

1802, this same Mr. PERCEVAL, being then Attorney General, prosecuted PHILIP HAMLIN, a Tinman of Plymouth, for having committed the crime of offering Mr. Addington £.2,000, to give him a place in the Custom House; that, upon this occasion, Mr. Perceval demanded judgment upon the said Hamlin, for the sake of public justice; and that the Judge, after expatiating upon the "incalculable

with me, that the present state of the representation is not consonant with those admirable principles, will, I trust, be disposed to follow ine in my next Letter, into an inquiry respecting what sort of Reform it would be just and prudent to adopt, Your friend,

I am,

Botley, 24 May, 1809.

WM. COBBETT.

mischief," to which such crimes must naturally lead, sentenced the said Hamlin "ELEMENTS OF REFORM." to pay a fine of a hundred pounds to the THERE has been published, in London, king, and to be imprisoned for three ca- a pamphlet under this title, and under the lendar months.- ELEVENTH: That in name of "MR. WILLIAM COBBETT," as the year 1805, Evidence was taken before the author. It consists of passages from a Committee of the House of Commons, my writings, against Reform and against and was laid before that House, proving Reformers; and, the object of it is, to that the late minister, PITT, had lent, counteract, by the publication of these without the consent or knowledge of Par- passages, the effect of what I am now liament, and without the consent or know-writing in favour of Reform.—That the ledge of any council of the king, £40,000 of the public money (without any interest paid to the public) to two members of the then House of Commons; and that, when this matter was brought before the House, in 1805, no censure whatever was passed on the said minister, but he was, by a bill of indemnity, secured from any punishment for having in such way employed the money of the public. TWELFTH: That, it appears from a Report, laid before the House of Commons, in the month of June last, in consequence of a motion made by Lord Cochrane, that there then were, in that House, seventy-eight Placemen and Pensioners, who, though part of what they receive is not stated, are, in the said Report, stated to receive 178,994 pounds a year out of the public money.

Now, Gentlemen, to these facts, and to many, many others (others too numerous to state, even in the most brief manner), which might be added to them, I shali not subjoin a single word by way of comment. I wish to avoid every thing like high colouring; every thing like declamation; every thing calculated to rouse any angry passion in your breasts: I wish to avoid even persuasion; I wish to lay the state of the case fairly and clearly before you, and to leave the decision to the intelligence and the rectitude of your own minds. Those of you, who, notwithstanding what has been here stated, may be of opinion, that the present state of the representation in parliament is consonant with the principles of the Constitution of England, will of course, see no justifiable cause for any reform in that representa

compilers of such a work should include those passages from the different parts of my works, wherein I have candidly confessed the error, under which I wrote what they have selected for publication; that such persons should do this is not to be expected; nor is it to be expected from them to make even fair extracts as far as they go. They have, as might be reasonably expected, garbled every thing that they have touched. But, while I am very certain, that their publication will wholly fail of its object; while I am certain, that no one will think me bound to praise John Bowles now, because I praised him in 1800, when I must almost necessarily be, and when I really was, totally ignorant of what I have since learnt respecting the subject of his writings, as well as respecting his too evident motives; while I am certain, that no one, who has a grain of sense, will think me bound now to censure Sir Francis Burdett, because I did severely censure him at a time when I acted under a total misrepresentation of his principles and his character; while I am certain, that no man of common sense, or common honesty, will think me bound to deprecate a Reform of Parliament now, because I did deprecate it at a time when I had never known that seats were advertised for sale, and when I had never seen, or dreamt of the possibility of, any thing like what has now come to light and has been proved respecting the House of Commons; while I am certain that the nation, who, with far better opportunities of knowing the truth, were full as much deceived as I was, and whose

change of opinion has kept pace with mine, will not think me now bound to applaud a system of politics, war, and finance, of which it was terrified into an approbation ten years ago, and all the mischiefs of which we have since seen exposed; while I am certain, that none but very weak persons indeed will think any man bound to praise any thing after he has discovered it to be unworthy of the praise that he once bestowed on it; while I am certain of all this, I cannot refrain from observing how favourable a symptom this publication is to the cause of Reform; how strong an indication it is of the fear, which the friends of corruption entertain, of the effects of that discussion, upon which they perceive me to have seriously entered. In America, my opponents, who were very numerous, and who had far greater talents than the persons, with whom I have now to contend, were driven to a somewhat similar expedient. The public, after having been surfeited with their pamphlets against me, would read no inore; when, what did these opponents do? Why, what has now been done here: they published pamphlets under my name, and then, for a time at least, they found them sell. There were several booksellers at a time living upon my name; actually buying bread and cheese with it. I used to urge the injustice of their not giving me a share; and, really, I think, that the gentlemen here are liable to the same charge; for, not one of them has offered me the smallest acknowledgment. If the public will not read books unless they have my name to them, I think it is but just, that I should have some sinall part in the gains. I shall be content with less than a Dutch-Commissioner's profit; but something I certainly ought to have.That those, with whom this pamphlet originates, wish, by the publication, to injure the cause of Reform there can be little doubt; and, I think, that there can be as little, that they are, in this effort, counteracting their own wish. For, in the first place, their flying to my former opinions as affording a contrast to those which I now entertain, upon this subject, is a pretty good proof that they have nei her fact nor argument, whereon to meet

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upon the merits of the case. In the next place, the errors, which they expose, and which have, long ago, been distinctly confessed by me, only serve to show, in the strongest possible light, how completely I was deceived, and, thereby, to form an apology for

the change of opinion in others. All we want is, as Major Cartwright has said, discussion; discussion is what these gentlemen are assisting with all their might; and, if they have.but a moderate share of discernment, I should think that the great sale, which their pamphlet is said to have, must leave upon their minds the mortifying conviction of the popularity of the "Elements of Reform, by Mr. Wm. Cobbett;" for, from this title, it is not a work against, but in favour of Reform, that the public think they are buying. They think it is a new work; a work containing what I have written at the present time; and by adopting such a title and taking my name, the publishers themselves confess, that that matter and that name stand high in the public estimation. The publishers are very cau tious, in their advertisements, to let fall nothing hostile to me; because they know, that by so doing they would injure their sale; and, it is truly curious to see the COURIER and even the MORNING POST trumpeting forth the praises of a Work on Reform," by Mr. Wm. Cobbett," the effect of which must be this: that all those, who do not read the paniphlet, will look upon those papers as having become converts to my doctrine; while on the other hand, the pamphlet will have no effect at all upon those who do read it, because they have already read my confession of the errors, which it contains.

-The doctrine of consistency, as now in vogue, is the most absurd that ever was broached. It teaches, that, if you once think well of any person or thing, you must always think well of that person or thing, whatever changes may take place either in them, or in the state of your information respecting them. For instance, if you praise a man to-day, and, to-morrow, receive proof of his having long been a thief, you must still continue to praise him. Where is the man, who has not changed his opinions of men as well as of things? Those who write every day, or every week, must express what they think at the time; but, if new sources of information open to them, they must express what they then think, and not with any regard to what they have given as their opinion before.But, how would this doctrine suit my opponents, if I were If I am to to attempt to hold them to. say, to some of the friends of corruption, you used to pra se me, and why do you "not praise me now?" They would, "Oh ! but, you doubtless, answer: then wrote to please us; and now you

" of

rity, prerogatives, or family? When have I, as these pamphlet compilers would insinuate, expressed any opinion which could justify the inference, that I wished for the predominance of a mob, or the degradation of royalty or aristocracy? The truth is, that I have been constantly labouring to prevent the degradation of both; and, if either has been degraded, it is because my labours have, with respect to them, been unavailing. If I ever did merit the honour of being, by the king himself, called his friend, I now merit that honor more than at any former period; because I have now told him truths, which nobody else would tell him,and to know which truths is of far more importance to him than the support of all the tribe, who have the insolence to give themselves the exclusive appellation of King's Friends; and who, in an hour of danger to his person or his throne, would, as all the sycophants of the Continent have done, desert him, while, I trust, I should be found ready to hazard my

"do not: Owing to your ignorance of us and our views, we then were objects of your an lause, and now we are objects your e censure. To be sure, nothing could be more reasonable than this. There is nothing at all inconsistent in it; but, then, the argument is just as good for me as it is for them.The truth is, that, as to opinions, no man is to be blamed for a change, except there be strong reason to conclude that the change has proceeded from a bad motive; or, rather, that it is not a real, but a pretended change, for the purpose of something selfish or wicked. This is the case, when we see men change their opinions upon exchanging no offices, for offices under the crown; when they have one set of principles for out of place, and another set of principles for in place. Now, nothing of this sort can possibly be imputed to me; and, in short, it is quite impossible to make any man of sense believe, that the change in my opinions has proceeded from any other cause than that of a sincere conviction, that, in my for-life in his defence. There is no inan, in mer opinions, I was wrong.- -I am not very anxious to make an apology for the errors of my former opinions; but, surely, without attributing to myself any very extraordinary want of discernment, those errors, when my then peculiar situation be considered, stand in need of nothing by way of excuse. When John Bowles said: My attachment to the British Monarchy, "and to the reigning family, is rooted in "my heart's core; my anxiety for the "British throne, pending the dangers to which, in common with every other "throne, it has lately been exposed, has " embittered my choicest comforts; and 1 "most solemnly vow, before Almighty "God, to devote myself, to the end of my days, to the maintenance of that throne." When John Bowles said this, I praised John Bowies; but, must I praise him now?

I have been told, that the King, when he visited Cuffnells in 1804, (and which, in my opinion, he ought not to have been advised to visit) said, the moment he entered the house," where " is MY FRIEND Cobbett's Paper?" This was told to me, not long ago, by one, who, I thought, appeared to think it necessary to remind me of my duty to the king. But, in what instance have I ever shown a want of a due sense of that duty? When have I ever hinted, that the royal office and authority were not essential to the happiness and even to the liberty of the people? When have I expressed a wish hostile to the king's person, autho

this country, who shall read what I am now writing, that will not acknowledge, that he has a thousand times heard it observed, that "there is no knowing what may happen," upon an event, which we all hope may be distant, but, which we are all sure, must, in the course of nature, take place. I put it to the Reader, whether this be not a subject of general anxiety? Whether he be acquainted with one considerate man, who does not partake in this anxiety? Is it not, therefore, for those, who really wish for the stability of the kingly government, and for the unim- . paired authority of the king and his suc▸ cessors, to use their best endeavours to see things settled upon a solid foundation, before the event, alluded to, takes place? It surely is; and, as I am one of those, who think that the only means of obtaining that solidity is to give the people confidence in their Representatives, and thereby reconcile them to their sacrifices, I wish for a Reform of the Commons' House of Parliament.-Nothing, to me, at least, can be more evident than this: that, to insure the stability of the throne, a Reform in the House of Commons is absolutely necessary. The people, if fairly and fully represented,would grudge nothing to the king, or to his family; and, indeed, that which has recently given so much anxiety and pain to the royal family, may be clearly traced to the same source,whence all the other heart-burnings may be traced. Those, who have dealt in parliamentary

sembled on the 23rd May, 1809, to celebrate the second Anniversary of the Return of Sir Francis Burdett.

Your Committee have observed with much satisfaction, that the conduct you adopted at the Election, the result of which you are now met to celebrate, has been imperceptibly forcing itself upon the consideration of all thinking men.

In many parts of the Country a disposi tion to follow that example has been publicly manifested; and in some you have been awarded public thanks for the noble stand you made in support of principles, without which our boasted Constitution is but an empty form.

incurred in defence of three Actions brought by Smith (a pauper) against the Coinmittee

68 7 3

of collecting Subscriptions and Meetings of the Committee

11 17 O

£.1,756 7 0

...1.215 14 3

the Treasurer to the 7th Aug,
1807..

1,672 13 3

Your Committee call to your recollection, that, previous to the first Anniversary, the High Bailiff of Westminster had obtained a verdict against your Representa- Amount of Subscriptions received by tive, sir Francis Burdett, for a share of certain expences attending the election of Members of Parliament, under pretence Ditto, to the 23d May, 1809 456 19 0 that he was a Candidate, which he was not, and had had the use of the hustings; and also that your Committee had endeayoured to obtain the reconsideration of that verdict, by applying for a new trial, which had been refused by the Court of King's Bench. The consequence of these proceedings has been an expence of upwards of 320l. which the contributions of individual electors, and the liberality of other friends to the purity of election, has enabled your Committee in great part to discharge. Since that period actions have been brought by an individual against three of your Committee, under pretence of expences said to be authorised by one or other of them on account of the election. It did not appear on the trial that any such expenditure had been directed by them, or that the disbursement had actually been made by the plaintiff: and, in point of fact, no order for such expenditure was given, it being contrary to the principle and uniform practice of your Committee. The plaintiff, who sued as a pauper, was non-suited; but your Committee were put to the expence of about 70l. for costs, in the defence of these actions, which they have no hope of recovering. These are the principal items of charge since the last Anniversary, and your Committee now lay before you the present state of your accounts :

Leaving a balance due to the Treasurer of 83 13 9 which your Committee cannot doubt your readiness to make good.

This debt has been incurred in carrying into effect the Resolution of the 4th May, 1807, "to return sir Francis Burdett to Parliament, free from every expence to himself."

Your Committee are not insensible to the effect which this great and glorious example is calculated to produce on the people of England, and it will be your duty to persevere and follow up that example which yourselves have set; but they cannot conceal that the elective franchise does not permit that example to be so followed as to produce any important numerical effect in the House of Commons, though they may justly hope that it will even there be viewed with respect.

Your Committee would willingly hope that the sense of the people, peaceably expressed, and supported by a few honest and real Representatives, who shall faithfully persevere in exposing corruption (however attempted to be excused by that general prevalence which increases its enormity), will ultimately succeed in rendering it so disgraceful, that those most interested will be compelled by shame to abandon its defence. In the mean time, you will, however, have the heart-felt satisfaction of having done your duty, and the honour of holding up to public imitation, even in times when corruption is offi780 14 4 cially acknowledged and defended, one

ACCOUNT OF DISBURSEMENTS AND RECEIPTS.

1807
Expences of the Election to the final
close of the Poll...

£. s. d.