Commissioners being sent out from England, a part of whose business it was to make a statement and report of the population, &c. &c. of the province. They lived about our quarters for some time; they had some jovial carousings with our officers; but, it was I who made out their statement, and drew up their report to be sent home to the king; for which, by the bye, they never gave me even their thanks. This statement, which, as was the case with every thing that I meddled with, was done in so clear, correct, and, in point of penmanship, so beautiful a manner, that, I have been told, the duke of Kent, when he afterwards became Commander-in-Chief in those provinces, had it copied; and took away the original as a curiosity. This was the way in which I did every thing. I was, of course, very much envied and hated by the weak and the wicked, and, as was natural to expect, I did not, amongst people, whom, though my superiors in rank, I could not help despising, bear myself with much moderation. From nineteen to twenty-seven is not much of an age for moderation, especially with those, who must necessarily despise all around them. But, the fame of my services and talents ran through the whole country. Every good man respected me. I was invited to visit people in all parts of the provinces. While we lay at Fredericton in New Brunswick, I had the settling, or rather the preventing, of eight or nine law-suits. I had the affairs of a whole regiment to attend to; all its accounts, its parades, its guards, its every thing. I found, however, time for study ing English and French grammar; I learnt geometry and fortification; I built a barrack for four hundred men, without the aid of either draughtsman, carpenter, or bricklayer, the soldiers under me cut down the timber and dug the stones, and I was the architect; I went through a tract of woods, of above a hundred miles, where no man had ever ventured before to go alone; and this I did for the purpose of putting a stop to desertion, by showing the regiment that I myself was able to follow the fugitives, and, accordingly, after that we had no more desertion to the United States. With all these occupations (of which I mention only a few particulars that occur to me at the moment) I found time for skaiting, fishing, shooting, and all the other sports of the country, of which, when I left it, I had seen, and knew, more than any other man. There is some little difference, I think, between such a man as I and such a man as Mr. Poulter I might, surely, say to him as VOLTAIRE said to the monk; "Yes, yes, no doubt, you are a man, as well as I; "but, my friend, there are two sorts of "men." -Why, I always had weight and power. Wherever I was, I was a leader, and, would it not be a base abandonment of the claims which nature and habit have given me, to pretend that I am nothing more than such a man, for instance, as parson Woodcock, whose mental endowments are discovered in his turning off those of his tradesmen, who signed the Requisition for a county meeting to thank Mr. Wardle ! I cannot help again reverting to this newly-thought-of scheme of representing me as a low and insignificant person.As. a proof of the estimation, in which I was held, while in the army, I will mention, that, about four years ago, General Carleton, brother of the late Lord Dorchester, and now Lord Dorchester himself I believe, came to my house to see me, and to remind me, that he had the pleasure of knowing me in New Brunswick. He was Governor of the province of New Brunswick, while my regiment was stationed there. He was our reviewing General, and he knew me, my character and services, well. He had, however, never known me in any other capacity than that of Serjeant Major; and Generals are not much in the habit of going to see Serjeants Major, unless there be something very particular about them. This gentleman had been governor, upon the very spot where I was with my regiment for four years; and, his visit to me, in England, was, it will be observed, after my return from America the last time, after the affair of the Court Martial of course; and of that affair he must have been well acquainted with all the circumstances, seeing that his own name, as a reviewing general, who had been imposed upon by a false return, was mentioned in one of the charges. His visit to me was a pretty good proof, that he had perceived nothing dishonourable in my conduct. -But, this is, altogether the foolishest charge that even the robbers ever invented. Why, on my return from America, having stopped at Halifax in Nova Scotia, the Duke of Kent, who requested to sce me, talked to me about my regiment and about all its affairs. He must have known all about the Court-Martial. Mr. Windham and Mr. Yorke have been, since my return, and the former was before, Secre taries at War; they had the whole history in their office; and yet nobody in the country has ever spoken, and, I believe, thought, better of me, than Mr. Windham and Mr. Yorke have. I remember, that in dining with MR. PITT, at Mr. Windham's in August 1800, the former asked me about Lord Edward Fitzgerald. We talked about him a good deal. I gave the company present (of which Mr. Canning was one) an account of his conduct, while at the regiment; I spoke in very high terms of his zeal for the service, and I told Mr. Pitt, that Lord Edward was the only sober and the only honest officer, I had ever known in the army. I did this for the express purpose of leading him on to talk about the Court-Martial; but, it was avoided. In fact, they all well knew that what I had complained of was true, and that I had been baffled in my attempts to obtain justice, only because I had neither money nor friends. The same is known to those, who now are publishing and circulating this false account of that transaction; but, what they have in view, is not truth; it is, in short, to preserve their plunder, which they think is in imminent danger, unless they can destroy my credit with the public. vent the success of our endeavours to bring about a Reform in the House of Commons; for, unless they can effect that; unless they can prevent such a Reform from taking place, they must experience such a change as will compel them to earn their livings honestly, or live upou their own means; and, this is what they appear resolved not to do, if they can avoid it. Mr. Wardle has pledged himself to prove, that a keform in the House of Commons would render the Income Tax unnecessary; and, I, who have considered every part of the subject with great attention, and who am acquainted with every branch of revenue as well as of expenditure, am not only convinced, that this saving could and would be made; but, that a much greater saving would be made, and without any injury whatever to any part of the public service, while it must be manifest, that such saving would prevent, in a considerable degree, the further depreciation in the value of funded property. All this the whole gang of public-robbers deny; flatly deny. Here, then, is a great question to be decided; and, as I have taken a leading part in the discussion, the robbers, as to a desperate remedy, have been driven to personal attacks upon me. For the sake They naturally hate me. They have of the cause, therefore, it became necessary abundant reason so to do; but, of late, for me to show how base, how detestable, their hatred must have received fresh are the conduct and the evident motives supplies. Many of the gentlemen con- of our enemies. Those who publish these nected with the press have dealt the things against me, know well how false robbers some deadly blows; but, from they are; but, it is when they affect to the nature of my publication; from my consider me as a low and insignificant perbeing able to devote the whole of my son; it is then that they are the greatest pages to the thing, I have certainly hit hypocrites. I could mention, if I were to them harder than any body else, and the take a day or two to consider, a thousand measure of their hatred is accordingly. instances, in which persons, who are encIt is true, that one would imagine, that mies to Parliamentary Reform, and who are nobody could be so foolish as not to see, considered as great men, have availed themthat, when detected in such shameful selves, or endeavoured to avail themselves garbling as to suppress 22 out of 27 docu- of my support. But, there is one instance, ments, and especially to suppress every which now occurs to me, and which, under document, upon which the real merits the present circumstances, I cannot refrain of the case turned; one would imagine, from stating. Each of you, Gentlemen, that even the Poulters would have been will probably recollect, that, much about able to tell the compilers, that a publica- this time of the year, six years ago; that tion like this must defeat its own purpose, is to say, in the summer of 1803, at a and that, in the end, in place of injuring time when there was a general fear of inme, it must do me a great deal of good. vasion, a publication was issued by the goBut, the truth is, that in such circumstan-vernment, was sent to all the parishes, was ces, men's minds are shut against all reasoning. Detected in their robberies, they jump from the roof. They break their necks on the pavement, in order to save them from the halter. The purpose, at present, of all the public-robbers, of every description, is to pre distributed in the churches, and was read from the several pulpits. This paper was entitled: "IMPORTANT CONSIDERATIONS "FOR THE PEOPLE OF THIS KINGDOM :" It was, in the news-papers, attributed to LORD HAWKESBURY; afterwards to Dr. Horsley, DR. RENNELL, and other learned and elo quent men; but, the real author of it was myself. I wrote it; offered it to Mr. Adding ton, through Mr. Yorke; he accepted of it, in which he showed his sense of duty to be above party pique; and, it was published and distributed at the expence of several thousands of pounds. Now, though the Reverend Messrs. Poulter and Woodcock may be ready to bite their tongues upon reflecting, that they once read, even from the pulpit, a production of mine, that will not do away the fact.They would fain represent me as a low and insignificant person; but, let them efface, if they can, the fact, that a production of mine, when its author was unknown, was, by the periodical publications of the day; aye, by that Morning Post and that Courier, which now abuse me, ascribed to Dr. Horsley first, and then to Dr. Rennell; and, that this publication was sent to every parish throughout the kingdom, under government authority and at the public expence. When Mr. Poulter or Mr. Woodcock or Mr. Portal, or any of those, who attempt to lower me in the estimation of the people of this county; when any of them shall have produced any thing to be so honoured as this production of mine, and shall have refused, as I did, to take any compensation for it; when they shall have given such irrefragable proofs of ability, public-spirit, and disinterestedness, then let them pretend to place themselves upon an equal footing with me; but not before; 'till then, let them keep their due, that is to say, an inferior place. In every way in which we can be compared, except as to mere money, I am their superior; and that, you may be assured, Gentlemen, I will not, if they persevere in their opposition to our laudable undertaking, and if I have my life and health, fail to make them feel.-I have, in spite of all provocation, abstained from stating this anecdote to the public, for six years; nor should I have mentioned it now on my own account; but, seeing that the cause is to be attacked through me, it is necessary for me to take care to guard the channel. The cause of Reform has been, and studiously is, identified with my reputation; therefore, it is necessary for me to shew that those are the vilest of hypocrites and calumniators, who attack that reputation. The King, I was well informed, expressed the highest approbation of the work I have been speaking of: He was not, I dare say, told who was the author, nor was it necessary that he should be; for I wanted nothing of him by way of reward, no not even a "thank you." But, I must confess, that, now I do think, the King owes me something; and thus, I humbly conceive, he ought to pay me : He ought, I think, to order his ministers to cause this Letter to be circulated, in the same way that the little Pamphlet was; or, which I should prefer, to order them to circulate, in that manner, my next Letter upon the subject of Parliamentary Reform. The little Pamphlet did, I verily believe, produce more effect, in this country, than had been produced by all other publications put together for years before. There are about eleven thousand Clergymen in England and Wales, and my real belief is, that all of them together, in the whole of the preceding eleven years, had not, whether by writing or preaching, moved the people so much as I moved them in one single week. I trust, therefore, that His Majesty will be pleased to give his sanction to the circulating of one of my Letters. I should, I think, prefer the next Letter upon Parliamentary Reform. I will certainly make the application, in a proper way; and, if the King follows his own opinion, he will, I am certain, grant my request. I have now, Gentlemen, to apologize for the length of this Letter. I could not curtail it, without leaving out something material; and yet, I am aware, that it may be thought more, than any man, under any circumstances, ought to say of himself. Had it not been for the public cause, not a word should any of these vile attacks have drawn from me. What I have done seemed to be due to my friends, private as well as political; because, those who would be silent to my face,, would not scruple to taunt them. I must, however, express my earnest hope, that no friend of mine will, in future, expect of me, that I waste any part of my time or paper in the answering of personal attacks. At any rate, I am resolved not to do it; unless by barely stating, in a short sentence, that such or such a thing is true, or is false. There will be thousands of lies against me; but that is what I have to expect; and, really, the good opinion is worth but little of that man, who can lend an ear to the assertions of wretches, who, in pretending to give a true history of a transaction, could suppress twentytwo documents out of twenty-seven, and insert only such as tended to throw no light at all upon the merits of the case. After this instance of falshood, baseness, meanness, and dirtiness, on the part of my assailants, no one can think it necessary PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. ON Thursday, the 15th instant, SIR FRANCIS BURDETT made, in the House of Commons, a Speech, upon the important subject of PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.-This Speech, which I have taken care to have as full and correct as possible, I shall in my next communicate to the public, and for that purpose shall make it a double sheet, instead of the one that would, in the usual course, appear on the 15th of July.-Here we have what Sir Francis Burdett wishes for, and what he does not wish for. He has long been taunted with not knowing what he wanted; but that taunt will now, surely, cease to be used. We shall now hear what his opponents have to say against his propositions; though, I imagine, they will be found to have little to say, except in the way of abuse.For my part, I think the thing so completely correspondent with the principles of the Constitution of England; so strictly in adherence with the spirit of Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, and the Act of Settlement; so simple in its provisions; so easy in its execution; and yet so mighty in its means of real Reformation, that I can scarcely bring myself to believe, that there is one man in the whole kingdom, who, in his heart, can disapprove of it. - Where are now all the predictions about the “wild projects; the enthusiastic schemes." Here is nothing to terrify any body; but enough to quiet every body. Pass a bill to this effect, and you need not fear Buonaparte's gun-boats. SUMMARY OF POLITICS. AUSTRIA. The " Igood news," as it is called, from the Danube, will, I am of opinion, be of very short duration. We do pretty well in the gazette-making way, but the Austrians beat us. I think, it is very evident, that, owing to the unforeseen destruction of a bridge across the Danube, the French were checked in their career of victory; but, I can perceive not the smallest reason to suppose, that their career will be long checked, especially when I see them still in possession of Vienna, and of every inch of ground they had gained, and see two fresh armies coming up to back and assist them. One thing, however, our allies will have atchieved to a certainty; and that is, the extructing of a good lumping sum of money out of the pockets of the people of this kingdom. The brilliant victory of the Archduke Charles:" this phrase, bandied about as it is, will, like the taylor's compliments to Bull to draw his leathers, and that is prethe Bourgeois Gentilhomme, induce John cisely what the German wants. The drawing upon us for money, the moment lié drew the sword; that was a pretty good proof of what we had to expect from the evident that it was to be a war upon our war. Be it what else it would, it was purses.The insurrection, under SCHILL, in Germany, has, it seems been quelled by an army of Dutch, who, odd as it may appear, are both able and willing to fight under a Buonaparté, though they would not lift a sword, even in their own defence, under their Stadtholder.There is an idea, that, in the North of Germany, there is a spirit of insurrection against the old system as well as against Buonaparté. I was told of this some time ago; and, I see that the fact is much dwelt upon in a letter published in the Morning Chronicle of the 12th instant. The fact may be true; but, I am afraid no such insurrec tion could succeed at present; and, I beseech the writer of the letter alluded to, not to rely upon any assistance, in favour of such an enterprize, from the English government, as he appears to do. He says, we assist Spain: no, not Spain, but, as Messrs. INGLIS, CANNING, and Co. inform us from their tavern forum, we assist, or would assist, Ferdinand the Seventh. No: this German is very much deceived, if he supposes, that Messrs. Perceval and Co. will give a single musket, or cartridge, for the purpose of making war against that corruption, of which he complains. They will give away our money for no such purpose, he may be assured; and, therefore, unless he finds the system of Buonaparté more oppressive than the old system, he will do well to advise his countrymen to keep quiet.It is curious to observe the lofty encomiums passed upon this insurrection, by those of our public prints, which, in general, seem to view every thing, tending to insurrection, with the deepest horror. This German insurrection appears to hit their taste. They say, that its "career has been short, but full of "glory;" and these sentiments they utter, while they are in the constant habit of tearing open the old sores in Ireland, and of representing all those, who were there suspected of a design to cause an insurrection, as the blackest of villains. Nay, it is not a week since the very paper, which laments the fall of SCHILL, and hangs the cypress, interwoven with the laurel, over his grave, took occasion to rake up the ashes of LORD EDWARD FITZGERALD, and to call him conspirator and traitor.—These gentlemen seem to like insurrections in other countries well enough. They would even assist the insurgents with arms and money; but, if they were to hear of France doing such a thing, they would make the firmament ring with the howlings of their horror. They would charge her with perfidy unheard of, and would, if necessary, take their oaths, that it was to these perfidious arts, and not to her valour, that she owed her successes.- -I think, that the best way is for us to say but very little in favour of insurrections in other countries, lest it should induce some persons to make a mistake, and to suppose, that insurrections are just as lawful and as laudable in this country as they are in Germany; which mistake, though founded in very plausible reasoning, might prove fatal to those who should be so misled, and who, to their cost, would find, that what the hireling writers call patriotism in the Germans, they would call treason in the English or the Irish. SWEDEN. -Our ally, the king of Sweden, has, it seems, abdicated his throne, His proclamation to this effect is a performance replete with just sentiments, and leading to a very natural and useful conclusion. He declares, that he can no longer fill the throne to the advantage and honour of the nation, and that, therefore, he quits it, for the purpose of passing the remainder of his days, in the fear and worship of God, wishing that all his subjects may, in future, enjoy more happiness and prosperity than they enjoyed under him. -Faith, a very sensible man! And a just man too. Yet, now, if any one had told him this, only a few months before, how quickly he would have been packed off to the gibbet! How many ugly names, such as conspirator, traitor, &c. he would have been called.- -Here, this king himself confesses that he was unfit to reign: Napoleon had told us so before, and prettily we abused him for it. But, now the man declares, under his own hand and seal (unless our government papers have published a forgery), that what Napoleon said of him was true.- -As to the effect, which this event will have, with respect to this country, it is pretty evident, I think, that Sweden will, in one way or other, become, if not absolutely an appendage of France, yet so much under her controul as no longer to be able to act contrary to her wish. Whatever of maritime means, therefore, Sweden possesses, will, in all human probability, be brought to bear against us. In this, however, I, for my part, see no danger, if all were well at home; if our system of finance and of military defence were what they ought to be, and what they might so easily be made, we might laugh at Napoleon and all his hundreds of allies. But, if we continue on in our present course; if we are to have new taxes every year besides an addition to the old ones, does any man believe, that we shall be able, in the end, to resist all the means of the continent brought to bear against us? France becomes every day stronger and stronger; after day, into the possession of new means; she has no public debt; she has few and light taxes; she has no tax that is inquisitorial; and, what is as much as all the rest, she has no paper money, none of that sham representative of property, which, the moment public danger shews its face, becomes much less valuable than it was while it bore the name of rags, and a whole cart-load of which would not procure the holder the means of breaking his. fast. she falls, day MR. WARDLE'S PLEDGE.- -I shall, hereafter, have to remark upon the last debate upon Mr. Curwen's reform bill, which contained some very curious matter, and which ended in the passing of a bill, not only not the same that was introduced by |