" "no. And which notice he introduced thus: He Neither direct accusation, neither said that the honourable Mover, who acknowledged frequency and admitted "originally introduced the Bill, could, in "extensiveness, had produced any effect, "its present state, scarcely acknowledge "until the evil itself, and the source from "it as his measure. Ilis, indeed, must "whence it emanated, became too evident "be a mobility of political feeling, if, so "to be longer concealed from the people metamorphosed, he could recognise it "or protected by those interested. "as his own, melted down as it had been "what, after all, was the remedy?— A "so completely, in the crucible of the "measure in its origin far from being ef"Chancellor of the Exchequer. By whom "fectual, but, under its present modificawas it supported? What influence, un- "tions, only what he must repeat, an in"der those changes, which some would "demnity for pust offences and a security for "affect to call improvements, now recom- "future corruptions.”- -After this he gave mended it to the sanction of the House? the notice before-mentioned, observing, Strange to tell, this measure of Reform, that it would be scandalous, to the last de"this remedy for existing evils, this, which gree, for the house to separate without "in its operation was to have the power- giving some pledge to the country, that "ful effect of preventing their recurrence, they would seriously take the ques"was now recommended, fostered, and im- tion of Reform into their consideration as proved by the very persons who either had soon as they met again. His notice "committed, were accused of committing, or was for the Wednesday, and, it so happened, by their votes in that House, had sanc- that, though there was much business to "tioned the very criminal transactions and press forward, there were not members "offences against the principles of the Consti- enough present to make what is cailed & "tution and the independence of Parliament, House, so that the motion could not be "which this very Bill, so supported, now made. If the notice had been renewed, "went to remedy and redress. Could the the like might have happened again; and "House forget what was the nature of the thus, when the last day of the session "plea, when such transactions were offer- came, the motion and the speech might "ed to be proved at its bar?-when the have been prevented by a rap at the door by "very author of this Bill, for so changed, so the Black Rod. This the mover prevented perverted was it from its original import, by taking care to attend every day, and "that he could not call it any longer the the first moment he caught the House formed "measure of the honourable gentleman, be- for business, rising and making his speech hind him (Mr. Curwen), hud himself and motion.-When men are conscious of "been accused of conniving at such an offence their own inferiority of talents, or of the "—when his noble colleague (lord Castle- badness of their cause, they naturally keep reagh) near him had from his own lips aloof: they decline, they shun, they flee "been self-convicted-when indeed, from from discussion. When this Speech of Sir "every side of the house justification and Francis Burdett came to be made, and "not corrective, was the tenor of individual when the public saw what Mr. Perceval "sentiment and of general discussion. had to say in answer, the cause of there "And in what did that justification con- being no House to hear the motion was "sist? It was only to be found in the ex- evident enough. It was impossible to let "tensiveness of this great constitutional offence. the thing go off; it was impossible to ne"Now, it did happen, that in our Courts gative such a motion without saying some"of criminal jurisprudence, where the ig- thing; very little could be said, and, norant and the poor and the wretched had therefore, it was best not to make a House, "to answer for their misdeeds, that those and, if possible, not to let the people hear "very crown lawyers who here defended what Sir Francis Burdett had to propose as that crime upon its extensiveness and a Plan for Parliamentary Reform.-This, its frequency, converted that very fre- however, has not succeeded. We have "6 quency and extensiveness, in the former now the principal parts of that Plan before "case, into an aggravation of the crime, us; and, if we approve of it, the way for "and into an additional argument for the us to shew that approbation, is, by peti"propriety of conviction and the necessity of a tioning the King to recommend the mea"severe punishment. Had the house, when sure to the parliament.-In my next, it is "such offences were directly charged my intention to consider this plan of the against individuals, heard any such con- Honourable Baronet in detail, and to see "stitutional doctrine from those whose si-how it would act, if put into movement tuations bound them to deliver it? No, The principles upon which the Plan is founded are admirably displayed in the Speech, and they cannot be too attentively considered; but, it will be useful for us to see how the plan itself will operate; how it will work; how it will be carried into execution. Having made these introductory observations, I shall now insert the Speech, subjoining to it an account of the numbers upon the division, and a list of the minority. This appears to me to be the first great direct step towards the demolition of that system of corruption, which has so long been gnawing at the heart of the country, and which, thanks chiefly to Mr. Wardle, has been of late, so well exposed; and, I trust, that, at no great distance of time, we shall have to trace a Reform from this first step to the completion. SPEECH OF SIR F. BURDETT, BART. made upon me in this house, to state to this house, and to the public, definitely and precisely, what my views are upon the subject (perpetually agitated) of Par-. liamentary Reform, that henceforward it may be fully and clearly understood, how far I do really mean to go, and at what point I mean to stop. This is a subject which has long engaged my most anxious attention; and though I very early stated my opinion respecting it, that opinion was not thoughtlessly formed, or rashly hazarded; but after the most diligent inquiry, and minute investigation. If I did not then offer it to the public attention without due reflection, still less did it originate in those views and mischievous motives, to which it has been falsely ascribed-a desire to excite discontent, and to agitate the public mind by exaggerated statements of undefined grievances, beyond the reach of practical constitutional redress. I am ready to admit, if such were the case, that my conduct would be as culpable as those who most misrepresent it, would wish it to be considered; and I am willing to confess, that to excite discontent in the public mind by fixing its eye upon necesI rise to offer to the attention of the sary and unavoidable evils, beyond the house a Pian of Reform, not for its imme- power of remedy, would be as exceptiondiate adoption, but for its future consider-ble and dishonest a proceeding, as to misation; to state my opinion to the house, and the public, upon this subject, and to propose to the house to come to a Resolution (according to frequent custom at the close of a session), the object of which is, to hold out an assurance to the country, that the house will, at an early period in the next session, take into its consideration the necessity of a Reform in the State of the Representation. ON A REFORM OF THAT HOUSE. SIR; This course I am urged, amongst other reasons, to adopt, in order to get rid of the misrepresentation (unintentional I am willing to believe) which has been so long, and so actively propagated, with regard to my views and opinions on this momentous point: the mischievous tendency of which misrepresentations, as affecting myself personally, would alone have very little influence upon my mind; but it has much, combined with the public interest. As involved in this most essential question, I therefore feel it a duty to myself and the public to relieve this subject from all misrepresentation, ambiguity, and misconception: and in now proposing for discussion, but not for immediate adoption, the outline of a specific Plan, I am answering those repeated calls which have been | lead them from their true remedy, and obstinately to withhold that easy redress which the Constitution so clearly points out, and so amply affords. In this case, I shall cautiously abstain from any exaggeration of public grievance, or any expression calculated to excite in any gentleman, or set of gentlemen, the slightest irritation, or asperity of feeling; it being my wish, that the question should stand on its own merits, that it should be coolly and candidly considered, and that it should be the subject, not of angry contention, but of fair discussion. At the same time, there are some doctrines and opinions which have been recently promul gated in this house, of so misleading and mischievous a tendency, that I cannot allow myself to pass them over altogether without some animadversion. The course I have pres ribed for myself is to state the Evils arising out of the defective state of the Representation, and then to point out the Remedy, which is simple, and perfectly practicable, not only consistent with the babits and interests of the people, and in unison with the laws and constitution of the country, but is (as I think I can show) the Constitution itself: It applies strongly, indeed, in favour of those who call for some Remedy to arrest the progress of destruction, for some stimulus to re-invigorate the Constitution and save it from decay, by extirpating the vile and loathsome canker of Corruption, which preying upon the vitals, palsies the ener country.The various and contradictory arguments by which this Corruption has been attempted to be defended challenge particular observation: at one time it has been alledged to be so trifling as to be unworthy of our notice, it is represented then as " mere cheese-parings and candle"ends." It may, however, be worth remarking (by the bye) an old English proverb to be found in Ray's Collection, which says "all the King's cheese goes in par -Let others deal in whimsical speculations, in undefined mysterious notions of a Constitution, which eludes the grasp, and soars above the conception of ordinary minds, let them amuse themselves with intricate theories and fine-spun metaphysics, whilst I shall hold fast by that plain and substantial Constitution, adapted to thegies, and consumes the substance, of the contemplation of common understandings, to be found in the Statute Book, and recognized by the Common Law of the Land.-If it can be shown that the principles on which I proceed are erroneous, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the ancient, fundamental laws of England, I shall stand corrected, and willingly abandon my proposition; but if, on the contrary, I shall be able to demonstrate, that the present system is the creature of innovation, and a departure from the old, established, un-ings," repealed laws of the country, and that a recurrence to the practice of these laws, is an easy and adequate remedy for the evil, though I may not indulge a hope of the concurrence of this house, yet I may hope for the approbation of the public, and, at all events, I shall enjoy the satisfaction of knowing that I have performed an essential duty, both to the people and myself, in bringing forward the present inquiry. Before I proceed to the consideration of the subject more immediately before the house, I think proper to make some remarks upon those very extraordinary doctrines to which I have before alluded.It has been asserted, that Corruption is not only a part of our Constitution-that it was not only necessary and to be tolerated, but (as it should seem) that the Constitution was to be tolerated for the sake of the Corruption. We have heard it seriously alledged, that without the auxiliary of Corruption in this house the Constitution would be insecure, that the Government could not be carried on. It has been described as "growing with our growth, and "strengthening with our strength :" it had been more consolatory to have been informed, that it decayed with our decay and diminished with our decrease. One can hardly conceive a more unhappy quotation for the purposes of those who have made the allusion. What is it the poet speaks of, when he says it "Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength?" It is a state of disease necessarily terminating in final dissolution. “The young disease, which must subdue at length, "Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength." and if a cheese is cut straight through the middle it is all parings; whilst at other time these cheese-parings as sume a shape so formidable as to render any attempt to diminish them fruitless and unavailing; so that, inconsistent in argument, consistent in principle, the defenders of Corruption, as it suits their purpose, ei ther represent it as a pigmy beneath notice, or a giant not to be contended with: from which alternate modes of defence we are forced to infer, that in the minds of some gentlemen, Corruption, be it small or be it great, is not only not to be checked or controuled, but to be fostered and encouraged. We are to hug our disease, and doat on dissolution: But so very opposite is my idea upon this subject, that I say, be Corruption small or great, let it assume what form or shape it may, it is an intolerable evil; in the first stage of it I would have said, " Principiis obsta:" at our high tide of it I will exclaim," Ne plus ultra," that delay is death. The question now is, How the career of this Destroyer is to be ar rested? In my opinion, there is no way of doing this with effect, but a Reform of this House. as Another doctrine equally mischievous as the former, which it was triumphantly said no human creature could contradict, was that of all men acting from Mixed Motives. This may be a convenient doctrine for public men, but, I trust, will appear unfounded and indefensible as the arguments just alluded to in support of Corruption, either on account of its supposed insignificance or real magnitude: its object and bearing is, in fact, to cut up all morality by the very roots; there could be no rational ground for confidence or esteem, were such a doctrine once admitted; if all men are supposed to act from Mixed | opinion is directly the reverse of this, in Motives, how can any man's character be which I am supported by the authority known? How ascertain the proportion of the greatest historians and writers upon (upon which all depends) of good and bad political subjects, who have uniformly laid in the mixture? How discover from what it down, that of all tyrannies a legislative motive any action springs, or whether to tyranny exercised under the forms of a free be attributed to it praise or censure?- government, is the most tremendous and From the confidence and boldness with fatal; because without hope of remedy. which this extraordinary doctrine has been advanced, it may seem hazardous to risk a refutation of it; I shall nevertheless attempt to shew that the reverse is the fact, and that, so far from men acting generally from mixed motives, they never act so at all; and however metaphysical may be the notions of some gentlemen, I defy them, with all their refinement and subtlety, to produce a mixture of motives in their own minds. Motives are as impossible to mix as parallel lines to meet. Many motives, it is true, may concur to impel a man to one act, as many roads may lead to one town; many rivers direct heir courses to one sea, but they are not on that account mixed. Avarice, ambition, love of country, may conduce to one end; though one of these passions may predominate, the motives remain unmixed; but when put in opposition one to the other, the impossibility of mixing them becomes apparent, the strongest motive overcomes the rest.- -The position is quite unphilosophical, and the idea of mixed motives altogether absurd. Surely, no one will call in question the doctrine of a ruling passion, strong even in death, to which we see and daily hear of men offer ing themselves up willing victims. As our senses, though they may be affected all together, are still distinct, in like manner our minds, though they may be affected at one and the same time by more motives than one, yet do they remain unmixed. But there may be a great convenience in adopting this doctrine of Mixed Motives, similar to that experienced some time since in keeping mixed accounts; such mixture serving to create confusion and avert detection. I defy any man, however, to shew that such a doctrine is reconcileable either with morality or logic. There is one other doctrine, which cannot be passed over without animadversion, equally dangerous, in my mind, with the foregoing ones. It has been held, that whilst the forms of the Constitution remained, there was something so excellent in the mere forms, that not only was the possession of them of the highest value, but a hope was thereby justified of an amelioration of the state of the country. My Tacitus, whose penetration and ability will not be disputed, depicting the melancholy condition of the Roman Empire, under that relentless tyrant Tiberius, describes it as most deplorable, not only on account of flagitious acts proceeding from hypocrisy and despotism united, but still more so on account of its hopeless condition, whilst under the mask of freedom, uncontroulable power was exercised, because that cruel tyranny was carried on under the forms of the ancient constitution. There was still a Senate debating, Consuls appointed, and tribunes of the people, and all the Forms of the ancient republic studiously preserved; and by how much the more those forms served as a cloke to hide the odious features of despotic power, by so much the more was it terrible, irresistible, and severe : " Quantoque majore," says Tacitus, " libertatis imaginæ tegebantur, tanto "irruptura ad infentius servitium;” therefore, I am not at all disposed to be satisfied with the forms, when the spirit and essence of the Constitution have fled.We have been reminded of the old fable of the Stag and the Horse, introduced with the view, as it should seem, of warning the people against throwing themselves into the arms of one power, in order to avoid falling into those of another. The application of this fable could not be mistaken; it meant, that the People should not seek to ally themselves with the Crown, in order to rid themselves of the grievance of a corrupt House of Commons. To that warning I cannot lend an ear, having no dread of the Prerogative of the Crown; which I know forms part of the law of the land, and is material and necessary to maintain the Constitution. My only apprehension is, from the usurpation of the legitimate Prerogative, by the Borough Monger Faction, and the consequent abuse of it by the agents of that Faction; untruly stiling themselves Ministers of the King, Servants of the Crown, through the medium of this House falsely denominating itself the Representative of the People.My desire, therefore, is to erect a barrier against such usurpation and abuse, by a restoration of the fair balance of the Constitution, by giving to each branch its lawful right: thus, providing at once for the defence of the Prerogative of the Crown, and the protection of the undoubted unalienable Rights of the People: and I think there is no difficulty in shewing that they go well together, that one is in trust for the protection of the other, and that in consequence of their having being separated, contrary to the principles and in violation of the ancient usage of our Constitution, those abuses of which the people now complain first crept in, and being once admitted have made such rapid and tremendous strides towards our destruction; in the midst of which, all the specious forms of our Constitution have been studiously observed Thus, as in Rome, the observance of forms, instead of being valuable, as securing any benefit, or justifying any hope, serves only to aggravate the mischief, by adding hypocrisy to despotism, and to embitter the sufferings by deluding and mocking the people.- I must not be misunderstood no person is more anxious than myself, for the retention and maintenance of those forms; my wish is, to have the substance also, that the people may not be any longer duped by appearances which serve only to perpetuate the cheat. absurdity was conceived as a Rotten-borough Parliament.-That part of the Prerogative to issue Writs to such places as were judged from time to time, according to their importance, most fit to send proper and discreet persons to the Common Council of the nation, was a most wise and salutary provision in the code of the Constitution, and well calculated to prevent the occurrence of those evils of which, so loudly and with so great reason, we at this day complain.-Can we suppose that any King in the possession of his just Preroga tive, would have thought of addressing a Writ, when he was exercising that great function of his prerogative, the assembling the Great Council of the nation, to Rottenboroughs? or that it would have been endured if he had? The King's writs run, "ad Proceres et Dominos et Communes Reg"ni," under which description no Rottenborough could be included. Can it be imagined that St. Mawes, the posts of Gatton, or the stones of Midhurst, would have been required to send wise and discreet burgesses to assist with their advice in the Great Council of the Nation? James the A charge has been made by the abet- First, on his accession to the throne, upon tors of Cerruption against those who wish summoning the parliament, wisely exer for Reform, as innovators and subverters cised this prerogative by issuing a Procla of the Constitution of the country, whereas, mation, forbidding the sending writs to the sole object of us Reformers is, to rescue decayed boroughs*; nor was it till the prethe country from the effects of the innovation rogatives of the Crown were encroached that has been introduced. Those who speak upon at the era of the Revolution, when so much of innovation seem to forget what the seeds of this Rotten-borough System, the great Lord Bacon has said, that " of which have since grown so luxuriantly, and "all innovators time is the greatest." Will have produced such poisonous effects, the you, then, while all things are changing baneful influence of which we now so senaround you, determine to stand still sibly feel, were with woeful prodigality Will you still cling to a Rotten-borough first scattered over the land, that the System, the creature of innovation, nursed Country was deprived of that corrective by usurpation, and matured by corruption? wisely lodged in the hands of the Crown for such shall I shew it to be. Is it reason- by the Constitution, for its preservation able that sovereignty should be attached against the unavoidable innovations of to particular spots and places, and to con- time, whilst the people, artfully led to asvert into Private Property, that which the cribe all the evils of the two former reigns Constitution has declared to be a Public to Prerogative alone, willingly acquiesced Trust--to permit an usurped local sovereign-in its retrenchment-in which they made ty, independent of the King, independent of the People, and destructive to both. The Prerogative of the Crown, had it been maintained free from encroachments, would never have suffered this anomaly, this illshaped mouster, this Rotten-borough System, at once formidable and contemptible, to have undermined the Constitution. During the whole course of our history, william the Conqueror from the ti to that which the crown w a fatal mistake, a mistake originating in the idea that they extended their own Liber Next, that all the Sheriffs be charged "that they do not direct any Precept for electing and returning of any Burgesses "to or for any ancient Borough within "their Counties, being so utterly ruined and decayed, that there are not sufficient "resyantes to make such choice, and of "whom lawful election may be made." Sce Cobbett's Parliamentary History, vol. ho such i. p. 969. lown to of the |