indisputable, that this principle is absolutely annihilated by the present frame of the Representation of this house, to which a Petition on your table offers to prove, that one hundred and fifty-seven individuals have the power of returning a majo

ties in proportion as they curtailed the Prerogative of the Crown-an ingredient in the Constitution as essential to its existence, as is an uncorrupt, full and fair Representation of the People in this House. Had the constitutional power of the Crown remained undiminished, this Houserity; so that the whole property of the free would not now be in its present contaminated state, the just and great prerogative of the Crown would have been exercised beneficially, and given the King his proper weight in the administration of national affairs, whilst the People would have a shield-and a shield and not a sword is all the people expect, in an uncorrupted and fairly elected House of Commons.-This I take to be the Constitution of Englandbut out of this usurpation upon the crown, conspiring with the innovations of time, a third power has arisen, that of the Boroughmongers-the creature of innovation, the worm of corruption, always unknown to our laws, now become greater than the laws, equally hostile to King and People, misrepresenting one to the other, filling the mind of one with jealousy, the ears of the other with alarm, which, by perpetuating discord, reigns sole arbiter of the strife, and establishes its ignominious dominion over both. My first object, therefore, is, to reunite the King and the People, by the constitutional bond of Allegiance on the one hand, and Protection on the other.

"The wisdom of our laws," says Lord Coke," is most apparent in this, that any departure from their established principles, although at the time wearing the specious appearance of advantage, never "fails to bring along with it, such a train "of unforeseen inconveniences, as to de"monstrate their excellence and the necessity of again having recurrence to "them." And, how strikingly that observation is exemplified in the consequences which have followed the departure from the principles of the Constitution, which has led to the establishment of this grievous Borough-monger System: the inconsistency of which with the principles of our laws and institutions, so glaring in the terms of the Writs of Elections, as in every other point of view, no one can dispute. The simple principle upon which, as upon a pivot, the whole of this subject of Representation turns, is this; that the free subjects of this kingdom have a Right of Property in their own goods; in other words, that the People of England cannot be legally and constitutionally taxed without their own consent.-I suppose this will not be denied; and yet it is equally

subjects of this kingdom is, in violation of this first and plain principle, at the disposal of 157 Borough mongers, or in other words, 157 Borough-mongers have usurped, and hold as private property, the sovereignty of England-and can we be satisfied with this miserable, pitiful substitution for the King and Constitution?-Can the People remain contented with the legislation of such a power?-Impossible. Believe me, Sir, the discontent that exists in this country, arises principally from the certain knowledge the People now have of the corrupt state of this House, and their exclusion from that share in the Constitution to which they are by law intitled, that they are not fairly, nor indeed at all represented,-in fact, that the interests of this House are not identified with, but opposite to theirs-remove this defect, repair this great injury, and the advantages will be immediate and important; the People will then believe, that all that is practicable for their benefit will be done, and from that conviction they will naturally be reconciled to those evils, which they would sce a disposition to alleviate, and a mutual interest to redress.

Every part of the Empire will feel the benefit of the Reform; but no where will the great advantages of the measure be likely to prove more salutary than in that most interesting part of the empire-IRELAND. From the deep interest I take in the concerns of that country, from my idea of its mighty importance, have I reserved the mention of it till last; though the consideration of the manner in which I could devote my best service to it has never been out of my mind, never till now did it mature any practicable plan, calculated to give universal satisfaction to that generous, that insulted people, with perfect security to the state. If Reform is necessary here, it applies much more forcibly there; indeed, the peculiar situation of that country makes it a measure of imperious necessity.- -On the subject of Ireland I can hardly speak, from the fear of trespassing on the rule I had laid down for my conduct upon this occasion. I dare not venture to trust myself with the grievances of Ireland. It is a subject I cannot discuss without a more considera

ble degree of warmth, than is consistent | usurped all but the pageantry and outwith that dispassionate line of conduct I ward shew and forms of Royalty. am upon this occasion particularly anxious What is the condition of the King under to maintain. My desire is to have Ireland this Faction? Instead of taking advanunited with this country upon terms, how-tage of the elevation of his situation, where ever, very different from those which at the Constitution had placed him, as the present exist. I should wish to see there eye of the nation, for the purpose of taking a perfect equality of advantage, and no extensive views for the advantage of the exclusions. Of the present Union, so national interests, beyond the contracted called, I shall speak but little at this time: horizon of ordinary men, his whole time suffice it to say, that it was a measure is employed, his whole skill directed, not contrary to the wishes, repugnant to the towards the duties of his high office, but interest, revolting to the feelings of that in trying to keep his balance, in endeanation; and effected by means the most vouring to conciliate the support of such flagitious, if the most unblushing corruption and such a Borough-monger, in order to on the part of the agents, and the breach obtain his permission to allow the Governof every solemn assurance to the great ment to go on. In truth, the Borough body of that people, not only implied Faction have such power, that he is more but expressed by the government of that like a Rope Dancer, than a King; as they country, deserve the appellation. Instead make it necessary for him to be perpeof that parchment Union, I shall propose tually upon the alert to balance himself a real Union of heart and affection, founded on his slippery elevation, whilst the uton the broad basis of the Constitution, of most he can do is to keep his place. Such is equal rights, and reciprocal interests.- the state to which he is reduced under the Away with that crooked policy, that nar- influence of this ignominious system, inrow-minded bigotry of legislation, that into- stead of having his throne fixed on the rock lerable intolerance, which keeps alive per- of the Constitution, and bound to the hearts petual heart-burnings, hatred, and revenge. of a whole people. This is not the situa I wish not to dwell upon this system; it is high tion in which the Laws and Constitution time to put an end to it.-Is it to be any have placed the King, nor that which his longer endured, that four millions of Irish- dignity requires, and the best interests of men should be aliens and outlaws in their na- the people, demand. tive land? Is it safe to have four millions The System, of which I have now given of the people thrust out of the pale of the but a short sketch, which was introduced Constitution? Is it consistent with rea- at the Revolution, and grew out of the son, with common sense, putting justice encroachments on the Prerogative of the out of the question, any longer to tolerate King, aided by the innovations of time, has such a system? By the adoption of Re- already cost this nation nearly Eight form, the government will have the fairest Hundred Millions of Debt; for though it opportunity of removing the principal has been wittily said, that one half of this grounds of dissatisfaction in Ireland; now enormous Debt has been incurred in rewill be the time to do every thing without sisting the perfidy and restless ambition yielding any thing, to legislate upon en- of the house of Bourbon, the other half larged principles, knowing nothing of par- in striving to replace it on the throne of ticular parties, sects, or factions; keeping France, this is not true; the fact is, the alive no distinctions of Catholic, Protes-whole has been incurred in the prosecutant, and Presbyterian, Tory, Whig, or tion of the scheme of corrupting this Jacobin; alarming no prejudice, insulting House. no party, they may now include the whole within one bond of union of the Constitution, embracing and ensuring the safety and tranquillity of the empire at large.We shall then, and not till then, have an United Kingdom-one King-one People.

-We shall by this recurrence to the Constitution, not only seat the Chief Magistrate upon his throne, and fix the Crown upon his head, but we shall place within his hand the sceptre and legitimate power of the King, in despite of those 157 Borough-mongers, who have TRAITEROUSLY

This question is so completely decided by Magna Charta, which,' as Lord Coke says, " is such a fellow that he will "bear no equal," so strongly fortified by all our constitutional laws, that no inferior authority can be required; but, were iso disposed, I could cite a host of legal and constitutional Writers; and all those inembers of this house, who have from time to time expressed their sentiments in support of this measure, whose arguments were never confuted, and whose talents, though Successful on all other occasions, were un

availing when exerted in support of Reform. This problem, however, is easily solved, when we consider that the appeal is made to the Borough-mongers themselves, whose interest is opposite to the measure. Their interest is different from that of the people.

Having taken the Laws and the Constitution for my guide, in preparing the measure I shall have to propose, I at the same time examined attentively all those Plans for carrying the same principle into execution, which have at different times been proposed; and having avoided all those intricacies which I considered as so many impediments in the way, have reduced it to that plain and simple form, the express image of the Constitution itself. My Plan consists in a very few, and very simple, regulations; and as the Disease we now labour under has been caused by the disunion of Property and Political Right,which reason, and the Constitution, say should never be separated, the Remedy I shall propose will consist in re-uniting them again.

For this purpose I shall propose :-
That Freeholders, Householders, and
others, subject to direct Taxation in
support of the Poor, the Church, and
the State, be required to elect Meni-
bers to serve in Parliament.
That each County be subdivided ac-
cording to its taxed male Popula-
tion, and each subdivision required to
elect one Representative.
That the Votes be taken in each Pa-
rish by the Parish Officers; and all
the Elections finished in one and the
same day.

That the Parish Officers make the Re-
turns to the Sheriff's Court to be
held for that purpose at stated pe-
riods.
And, That Parliaments be brought back

to a Constitutional Duration.

riot; no "Wealthy Brewer," as was hu mourously described, who, disappointed of a job, takes, in consequence, "the inde"pendent line, and bawls out against "Corruption :" no opportunity would remain for such mock Patriotism: - no leading Attornies galloping about the country, lying, cheating, and stirring up the worst passions amongst the worst people:-no ill blood engendered between friends and relations-setting families at variance, and making each county a perpetual depository of election feuds and quarrels:-No Demagogueing.-If I am a Demagogue, I am as complete a felo de se as can well be imagined-this puts an end to the occupation:-There would be an end to all odious and fanciful distinctions of persons and property-all would be simple and uniform; their weight and influence proportioned to their intrinsic va lue-no qualifications nor disqualifications -no inviduous exclusions by reason of any office, from the highest to the lowest, either in the Elector or the Elected-no variable, fantastical, litigious rights of voting no possibility of false votes-no treating--no carrying out voters--no charges of any kind-no expense, legal or illegal-no contested elections. The people would have a choice without a contest, instead of a contest without a choice ;-no sham remedies worse than the disease pretended to be cured-No Grenville Act; here I speak feelingly; I have undergone this remedy. It is the remedy of a toad under a harrow." Haud ignara malis, "miseris succurere disco." That Act, which has been so highly extolled, was itself called a reform;-as all the acts aggravating the mischief, which have been substituted for the Constitution, are called in this House.

Under the operation of that Act, I have suffered a greater pecuniary penalty than any which the law would have inflicted The simplicity of this Plan appears for any crime I could have committed; from its being the true Constitution of this remedy is a luxury, a man must be England, which has already prepared all very rich, indeed, to indulge himself in. the means ready to our hands of carrying I could not afford it a second time, and it into immediate effect; and I make no preferred abandoning my seat after having hesitation in delivering it as my well-been returned, to undergoing another opera digested opinion, that under the operation of this Reform, it would be attended with much less difficulty to return a whole Parliament, than to settle a dispute at a vestry about a parish pauper. By the adoption of this Plan of Reform, those disgraceful practices, which now attend even County Elections, would be put a stop to. No bribery, perjury, drunkenness, nor

tion of the Grenville Act. One great object I have in view is to relieve other Gentlemen from the like benefits, by prevent ing the necessity of having recourse to such remedies in future-by getting rid of ail disputes, and contested elections: this good consequence will result from the adoption of this Plan, besides preventing endless litigation, ruinous expense, per

Three descriptions of persons, I will ad-ple Remedy now proposed is but a recurmit, would have great cause to complain of this Reform: The Borough-mongersthe Lawyers-and the King's Printer. The whole of the question then is, Which is to be preferred, The interest of the whole Empire, or the interest of the Boroughmongers-the Lawyers-and the King's Printer?

of a very great part of the honourable House; but, it was not the opinion of the nation. The nation thought quite differently. The nation thought, and were convinced, that infamy, deep and everlasting infamy, and criminality deserving of legal punishment, (which punishment they hope yet to see inflicted) attached, not to Mr. Wardie, but to those who slandered him, and who used all the means in

Lord Cochrane was, accidentally, out of the their power to do injury to his cause,

which was justly regarded as the cause of
the country.-
-Therefore the new threat
of infamy, or, of "standing convicted," has
not, I should suppose, much terror in it
for Mr.Wardle.- -The honourable House
called upon him for proof of the truth of
what he had said about the saving of the
Income tax. His answer was, I will prove
it, if you will give me the papers; you
will give me the accounts; but, without
those papers, I will now, before the close
of this Session, make a Statement which
shall show, that I have good grounds for
what I have said. The honourable House
appears to have been eager to hear this
statement. They did not, indeed, seem
to be over-joyed in the same degree as
when they hailed the "tangible shape;"
but, they appeared to be very glad; "very