and shot him through the body; but as the man did not immediately fall, he drew his dagger, and by repeated stabbing put an end to his existence. The calm intrepidity with which this unfortunate Shilluh stood to meet his fate, could not be witnessed without the highest admiration; and, however much we must detest the blood-thirstiness of his executioners, we must still acknowledge that there is something closely allied to nobleness of sentiment in the inflexible perseverance with which they pursued the murderer of their friend to punishment, without being diverted from their purpose by the strong inducements of self-interest. p. 214, 215.

Excepting that Berrebbers of the North are more robust than the Shilluh, a strong family likeness runs through all their tribes. Their customs, dispositions, and national character are nearly the same; they are all equally tenacious of the in'dependence which their local positions enable them to assume; and all are animated with the same inveterate and hereditary hatred against their common enemy the Arab. They invariably reside in houses, or hovels, built of stone and timber, ' which are generally situated on some commanding eminence, ⚫ and are fortified and loop-holed for self-defence. Their usual 'mode of warfare is to surprise their enemy, rather than overcome him by an open attack; they are reckoned the best marksmen, and possess the best fire-arms in Barbary, which renders them a very destructive enemy wherever the country affords shelter and concealment; but although they are always an overmatch for the Arabs when attacked in their own rugged territory, they are obliged, on the other hand, to relinquish the plains to the Arab cavalry, against which the Ber⚫rebbers are unable to stand on open ground. (p. 216.)

The Arabs, the descendants of the Mahometan conquerors, are cultivators of the soil, according to their proverb, that the earth is the Arab's portion.' Their character differs from that of the Berrebber, in being more open and violent, for we presume this is the meaning of a more generous cast.' (p. 218.) When they have the power, they prey upon all strangers to their tribe and religion, carrying devastation and destruction wherever they go, sparing neither age nor sex, and even ripping open the dead bodies of their victims, to discover whether they have not swallowed their riches for the purposes of conceal

ment.'

The Moors are a mixed race, if we rightly understand the author, inhabiting the towns, and descended from the Berrebbers, the Arabs, the Negroes, and the Arabs expelled from Spain. As the two former tribes are cultivators of the soil, and feeders of cattle, the latter are chiefly occupied with the pursuits of trade.

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Upon the whole, we regard this volume as a very important accession to our knowledge of the African Continent. If there are no details of extraordinary interest respecting the interior, it is because the stories formerly told of Tombuctoo, were mere visions of the imagination; and the narrative of Adams has dispelled such illusions. This is the principal value of the book and it is a great one. We draw another inference from it, and from the interesting notices of Mr Dupuis--that there seems more prospect than ever of the expeditions now sent out, prosecuting successfully their discoveries in the interior, and that much may be done by sending intelligent natives, either Moors or Negroes, by the usual caravans. The mild treatment expe→ rienced by Adams among the Negro tribes, shows how safe and easy the examination of the central region might prove, as soon as the deserts which surround and cut them off from the coast are passed; and the intelligent observations collected from natives of different classes, and even from a very illiterate and ordinary seaman, show, that in order to convey some useful and interesting details, there is no necessity for a scientific traveller.

While our hopes of information are thus raised, it must be admitted, that, in the same proportion, all the sanguine prospects of new channels for our commerce are overcast. They who expected to have a Mexico or Peru opened to their speculations in the heart of Africa, must now turn away from that Continent with some disappointment. In truth, their mistakes are not confined to the old hemisphere; the trade of South America falls almost as much below their golden dreams as that of Tombuctoo; and, instead of an avenue to mines of gold, it only opens to them the slow though sure benefits which must be derived from the progress of the South Americans in the arts that furnish means of carrying on a foreign trade of large extent, as soon as the European monopoly shall set their industry free. A still more slow progress of the same kind may render the Africans valuable customers to Europe, after Europe shall have ceased to drive a detestable traffic in their flesh and blood.

ART. VI. The Life of James the II., &c. collected out of Memoirs, Writ of his own Hand, &c. Published from the Stuart MSS., at Carleton House. By the Reverend JAMES STANIER CLARKE, &c. London. 2 vol. 4to. Longman & Co.

As s this publication is of considerable importance to those who critically study the History of England, we shall endea

vour to give our readers a full and plain account of the mate rials which compose it. It has long been known, that James II. left behind him some narrative of the events in which he was concerned. The first mention of it, with which we are acquainted, is by Burnet, who, in his account of James's first marriage, tells us,- He' (the Duke of York) ́ had a great desire to understand affairs; and, in order to that, he kept a constant Journal of all that passed, of which he showed me a great deal. The Dutchess of York was a very extraordinary woman. She had great knowledge, and a lively sense of things, She soon understood what belonged to a Princess, and took state on her rather too much. She writ well, and had begun the Duke's Life, of which she showed me a volume. It was all drawn from his Journal. And he intended to have employed me in carrying it on.' The Dutchess of York died in 1671.

The next public notice of James II.'s Memoirs, is in a history of Marshal Turenne, published at Paris in 1735, and written by Andrew Ramsay a Jacobite gentleman, and a writer of some note in his own time, who, having been created a Scotch Baronet by the Pretender, and having obtained the French order of St Michel by the interposition of the same Prince, is commonly known by the name of the Chevalier Ramsay. In the second volume of that work is an extract from James's Memoirs, extending to a hundred and fifty pages, containing an account of his campaigns in the French army under Turenne, and in the Spanish army in the Netherlands under Condé, from 1652 to the peace of the Pyrenees. Prefixed to this part of the work is an introductory note by the Cardinal de Bouillon at Rome, on the 16th of February 1715, from which we learn, that he received it from King James at St Germains, on the 1st of January 1696, as a mark of that Monarch's gratitude and reverence for Turenne, on condition that it should be shown to no other person during the life of the King. At the end is a certificate, dated on the 24th December 1734, by the Superiors of the Scotch College at Paris, viz. Louis Inesse, late Principal; C. Whiteford, Principal; Thomas Inesse, Sub-Principal; Alexander Smith, Prefect of Studies;-testifying, that the above Memoirs of James II. are conformable to the original English Memoirs, written by his Majesty's own hand, and preserved in virtue of a warrant subscribed by him in the Archives of our said College. They also state, that the above' MSS., given by the King to the Cardinal, written and translated by Mr Dempster, one of the King's Secretaries, but revised and corrected by the King, agrees in every respect but style, and the order of the narrative, with another translation made by order of the Queen Dowager, signed by her, countersigned by Lord Caryll

and delivered by Louis Inesse, on the 15th January 1705, to the Cardinal de Bouillon, who, it appears, had mislaid the original translation presented to him by the King, which he did not recover till he was at Rome in 1715.

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Thus far, then, the history of James's original MSS. is perfectly satisfactory. The earlier part of them were seen by Burnet before 1671. A considerable extract from that part was attested by James himself in 1696. On the 24th of March 1701, the King, by his warrant, directed the custody of the original Memoirs, writt in our own hand,' to be committed to Louis Inesse, Principal of the Scotch College, and to his successors in the Government of the said College. In 1705 we find them in the College. On the 12th of January 1707, we find a warrant for the removal of that part of his Majesty's Memoirs and other papers, written in his own hand,' which relates to 1678 and the subsequent period, to St Germains, for some months. We have also seen a promise of the son of James II., written on the 9th November 1707, to settle, within six months after his restoration, an estate producing a hundred pounds Sterling by the year in France, on the Scotch college at Paris, where the original Memoirs and MSS. of our Royal Father are deposited, by his especiall warrant.' In 1734 these papers continued in the same custody. All this is clear and indisput able.

"Hitherto the external evidence is confined to the King's original Memoirs: but we have lately seen an authentic document, which ascertains, that at least in the year 1740 there existed another MS. more immediately connected with the present publication. It is a despatch, dated at Rome on the 10th January 1740, from James Edgar, then the Pretender's Secretary, to Thomas Carte, who devoted himself to toil and danger during his whole life for the House of Stuart, and compiled his History of England to promote their restoration. It is of the following tenor. The King is pleased, by this post, to send directions to Messrs Innes, to give you the perusal at the Scots College at Paris, of the Complete Life of the late King his father; writ by Mr Dicconson in consequence of royal orders, all taken out of and supported by the late King's MSS.' There can be little doubt that the Life here spoken of is the very Narrative now before us; and until evidence be offered to the contrary, it is reasonable to conclude that Carte saw only the compilation, and was not allowed to peruse the King's original Memoirs. There are, indeed, a few particulars of no moment in Carte's extracts, published by Macpherson, to which we have not found any parallel passages in the present publication. (See i. Mac. 51-68112.) More diligent search however might perhaps show, that

these, like all the rest, are extracted from it. If the result should be different, it may seem reasonable to infer, that Carte had access to other papers besides the Life, and that these passages are taken from the original Memoirs. If the passages had been numerous and important, more especially if they had related to events of a secret nature, such a conclusion would have appeared perfectly satisfactory. But Carte, who passed his life with Jacobites, might easily have gleaned a few unimportant particulars from their conversation, and inserted them in the order of time, as connected with his extracts from the Life of James. They might have been even communicated to him by the Superiors of the Scotch College, with an assurance that they were contained in the original Memoirs, which were not to be shown to him. From the general tenor of Carte's and Macpherson's extracts, it is apparent that they are copied or abridged from, the Life before us. The probability that there are exceptions in Carte's extracts, seems extremely faint. We have not yet discovered a single proof that any of those of Macpherson are from another source. This order to Carte is mentioned by Macpherson in the preface to his State Papers, with his characteristic inaccuracy and confidence. Having obtained an order from Rome to inspect such papers in the Scotch Colleges as LAY OPEN, he made large and accurate extracts from the Life of James II. written in that prince's own hand.' The words lay open,' which Macpherson prints in capital letters, are an addition of his own. The reader has already seen, that the order was to see the Life of James, not written by himself, but compiled from his own Memoirs by another writer; and that the title Memoirs is always used to distinguish the King's own Narrative from the compilation called his Life. We shall presently see that there is too much reason to ascribe these mistatements to a purpose.

6

In the early editions of Mr Hume's History, he was obliged to acknowledge (though there remains no direct evidence of it) that a formal plan was laid in 1670 for changing the religion, and subverting the constitution of England; and that Charles II.' his brother, and the ministry, were in reality conspirators against the people.' When Mr Hume went afterwards to Paris as secretary to Lord Hertford's embassy, his station and his character procured him access to the papers in the Scotch College, which were perhaps no longer so jealously kept secret, after the last shadow of regal pretension in the House of Stuart had vanished, at the death of the son of James II. In the edition of 1770, he has accordingly added a note, in which we are informed that since the publication of this His