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§ 40. L. Otho, [vir fortis,]. L. Otho, vir fortis. H. § 42. ipse autem. ipsa autem. H (ex coni.). interea Romae scilicet amicis-(sic

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interea amicis. H.

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$45. aut desertam. ut desertam. H.

§ 46. existimasti. si existimasti. H.

facere posse: vehementer.

prorogationem. perrogationem. H.

facere posse, vehementer. H. haberet. haberes. H.
§ 47. proderant. proderat. H.
§ 48. sapientiae. satietati. H、
§ 49. quibus rebus certe spes
candidatorum obscuriores videri so-
lent. (H. 1872).

spe militum. spe consulatus. H.

quibus rebus candor ipse candidatorum obscurior videri solet. H.

circumfluente. circumfluentem. H.

§ 51. quia timebant. quia omnia timebant. H.

$55. quae relicta. quae ei relicta. H.

$ 57. amicis. amicus. H.

$58. possit. posset. H.

$63.

coni.).

esse moderatas (sic et H. ed. 1872). esse moderandas. H (ex

§ 64. seposuisses. si dixisses. H. (si posuisses. H. 1872).

§ 65. isti ipsi mihi. isti mihi. H. nihil omnino gratiae concesseris. immo insistito.

etiam, in dissolvenda severitate; sed tamen.

nihil gratiae causa feceris. immo resistito gratiae. H.

etiam, sed tamen. H.

§ 66. sententiam sententia alia. sententia alia. H.

$ 67. qui lege punierim. quod lege punierim. H. candidatis. candidatus. H.

si iudicat. H. tum est. H.

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nisi iudicat.

si factum sit. sin fac

necessarios adsectentur. H. denique. H.

tua nimia diligentia, Servi, conlecta sunt. H.

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§ 86. squalore et sordibus * * * * in squalore et sordibus * * * * H.

§ 87. hac eum re. hac eum cum re. H.

vos L. Murena. H.

demissioni animi. H.

ita vos si Murena. ita fuit, sit...... fuit, ut sit...... H.

demissis.

APPENDIX.

A. On the spirit of Roman trials.

Prof. Ramsay well remarks, 'the moral feeling which prevailed in a Roman court of justice was entirely at variance with the principles which rule our own.' It may be well to draw out shortly some of the main differences.

I. There was no class of professional advocates, taking fees and living by their profession. Any citizen could come forward to accuse or defend any other: and, as a high reputation for able pleading helped a man in rising to official distinction, many did so (pro Mur. §§ 8, 24). It was also a great advantage to have the power of addressing assemblies with effect (pro Mur. § 24). This naturally led to the introduction of irrelevant matter into speeches in court (see the partitio § 11, where the irrelevance of two of the heads is manifest), particularly allusions to the situation of affairs at the moment, and the probable effect on them of the condemnation or acquittal of the accused (see Intr. C).

2. It not unfrequently happened that a corrupt collusion existed between the accuser and accused. For a sum of money or some other consideration the former would play into the hands of the latter, suppressing evidence and making only a feeble attack upon him. This was called praevaricatio (pro Cluent. §§ 58, 87, div. in Caecil. § 58, etc.), and was properly applied only to the accuser in a public-that is, a criminal-trial. Hence the chief security for an honest prosecution lay in the personal hostility of the accusator to the reus. Numberless allusions shew this. In div. in Caecil. § 12 G. Verres, cui te inimicum esse simulas (said to the would-be praevaricator Caecilius), pro Cluent. § 29 auditis non ab inimico opposed to audiebant ab accusatoribus, § 42 erat huic inimicus Oppianicus: erat: sed tamen erat vitricus (sc. he would have shewn mercy even to an inimicus, on the ground of family connexion); and generally the relations of counsel to clients rested on grounds of personal feeling, div. in Caecil. § 23 magnus ille defensor et

amicus eius (cf. pro Mur. §§ 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 86), pro Mur. § 2 inimicorum impetus (cf. the remarkable plea in § 56).

3. Great weight was attached to the personal influence of the pleaders (pro Mur. §§ 58, 59). This naturally followed from what has been stated above.

4. There was no professionally trained judge to sift the evidence in a summing-up. The praetors were changed from year to year, and merely acted as chairmen of the Courts. With such presidents, no wonder that irrelevant considerations often were the most powerful in determining a verdict.

5. It was customary for the reus to wear old and filthy garments in sign of mourning to excite pity (pro Mur. §§ 42, 86, pro Cluent. §§ 18, 192, etc.). Passionate appeals to the jury, either without allusion to the charge or assuming a client's innocence, were also common in speeches (see the perorations of the two just cited).

6. Bribery (corrumpere iudicium) was common (see for instance pro Cluent. §§ 64 foll.). In truth it was not guarded against with proper care. The jury were accessible during the trial to the agents of either party, instead of being kept away by themselves.

It will thus be seen how differently from our English trials a criminal prosecution was conducted at Rome. We are not dealing with the Athenian courts; but one quotation will perhaps be interesting. In Dem. de Cor. p. 230 § 15 we read roû μèv ảyŵvos ὅλου τὴν πρὸς ἐμὲ ἔχθραν προΐσταται, § 16 τῆς ἡμετέρας ἔχθρας ἡμᾶς ἐφ ̓ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν δίκαιον ἦν τὸν ἐξετασμὸν ποιεῖσθαι.

B. Leges iudiciariae.

Up to the year 123 B.C. the indices, whether single jurymen or a number empanelled to serve on the permanent or extraordinary commissions (quaestiones perpetuae or extraordinariae) were taken exclusively from the Senate. In that year the tribune Gaius Gracchus transferred the iudicia to the equites. This lex Sempronia was confirmed and strengthened by the lex Servilia repetundarum of Gaius Servilius Glaucia, probably in B.C. 100. But the lex Cornelia of Sulla in B.C. 80 again installed the senators as iudices, an arrangement which lasted until B.C. 70. In that year the lex Aurelia of Lucius Aurelius Cotta introduced a new system. The juries were for the future to consist of three decuriae, one of senators and two of men of equestrian rating; one of these two

to be formed of men who had served as tribuni aerarii. This last arrangement was in force at the time of Murena's trial. [See Mommsen, book IV. cc. 3, 6, 10, book v. c. 3.]

C. On $ 62, dixisti quippiam.

Here the MSS have dixisti quippe iam, the only variant being Lag. 9 which has quicpe iam. All editors accept the correction of Manutius, quippiam. What I wish to point out is that this restoration of the passage, though plausible, is not necessary. In § 74 we find ergo ad cenam petitionis causa si quis vocat, condemnetur. 'quippe,' inquit; 'tu mihi'..., de Fin. IV § 7 ista ipsa quae tu breviter, regem dictatorem divitem solum esse sapientem, a te quidem apte ac rotunde; quippe; habes enim a rhetoribus, v § 84 quem hunc appellas, Zeno? 'beatum, inquit. etiam beatissimum ? 'quippe,' inquiet, de Or. II § 218 leve nomen habet utraque res. quippe; leve enim est totum hoc risum movere, see also pro Caec. § 55, on which Jordan adds de Rep. I § 61, ad Att. v. 15. 1. Madvig on de Fin. v § 84 says 'quippe is not used ironically by Zeno, as though he were making fun of himself; it gives a strong affirmative answer, with a sort of wonder at any doubt having been possible.' I believe then that in the present passage we might retain the MSS reading, which it must be granted is a strange corruption for quippiam, had that been in the original.

dixisti. quippe; iam fixum et statutum est, 'you have said.' 'to be sure I have; henceforth 'tis fastened and established for ever.'

D. On $75, lectuli Punicani.

The received interpretation of this passage is, that part of Tubero's bad taste was shewn in providing mean couches for the guests to recline upon at the banquet. I wish to trace up the authorities for this view and against it.

I. Valerius Maximus, VII. 5, tells the same story, almost word for word after Cicero ; but in pointing out the offence given to the Roman people, he says not a word about the lectuli as mean, or as having been in any way improper; on the contrary, he says that the people punished the public scandal of such an entertainment by voting against Tubero at the praetorian election, because it

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