folly and perverseness. It is possible, | bill as it stands will pass the House of however, that there may be trades which Commons, and if the majority there be have drawn out a sickly existence under as great as some well informed parties protection, but which must perish as soon as it is withdrawn. If so, a temporary inconvenience will doubtless be experienced by those whose occupation is gone. The only remedy is, that they embark in some other employment. Free trade will afford them innumerable openings. They may themselves be no great losers by the change. Their children and the community at large will certainly gain. predict, the Lords will scarcely be so fool-hardy as reject it. We deem it certain, however, that with or without a dissolution of Parliament, the monopolists must yield; and if it be insisted on, that the sense of the nation shall be taken by a general election, the victory will, in all probability, be the more complete. Indeed, if the three years' protection be not got quit of at present, we fondly hope, that the new Parliament, which at any rate must meet before the expiry of that period, will commence its labours by immediately opening the ports. The chief objection to the measure is, that it defers free trade in corn for a period of three years. This is avowedly for the sake of the landed interest, but Many wonderful conversions to free a very general opinion prevails, and many trade principles have been made, and of themselves, the more enlightened of many amazing sentiments uttered,them, participate in it, that it is very both by the conductors of the public problematical if the proposed concession press and the members of the legislawill not be really injurious to them, as ture, since Sir Robert declared himself. it will undoubtedly be to all the rest of But nothing has astonished us more the nation. It will, first of all, keep than his own statement, that he had been them for three years in uncertainty and led to entertain the free trade principles suspense, whereas, it is obviously their he now holds, not by the general reasoninterest, and that of all other classes, to ings of the political economists (in which have a complete settlement made, and respect he admitted that others had the matters put on a solid permanent foun- advantage over him), but entirely by his dation with the least possible delay. observation, during the three last years, And farther, while, if we are to be visited of the working of his own tariff. Such with a succession of bad harvests, it may a statement cannot be disputed without turn to their advantage, on the other questioning his personal veracity; but hand, if it shall please Providence, as we surely it is next to incredible that an fervently hope it may, to give us plenti- individual occupying his position, and ful crops between this and 1849, then with his means of information, should there seems to be no doubt, that these have remained till now so profoundly years of continued protection will entail ignorant of doctrines which, for such a most disastrous consequences on the length of time, have been so incontrofarmers. On this supposition, British vertibly established, and so frequently grain being cheap, and the duty high presented in forms level to the capacity during the interval, importations will of a child. It amazes one to reflect with not take place; foreign growers, how-how small a portion of intelligence manever, will be making large preparations kind may be governed. - Mr Sidney for the British market; speculators will Herbert, a member of the government, hoard the produce of successive years; spoke strongly, but, for aught we know, and the moment the duty is struck off, not too strongly, when he pronounced the country will be inundated with corn, the restrictive system to be "the greatest and our panic-stricken agriculturists will error ever committed in human legislabe overwhelmed and ruined. All this tion."-Sir James Graham, after frankly has been clearly demonstrated, and ap- acknowledging his change of opinion, parently not without effect. An attempt and admitting that it was not altogether will be made by the free traders in Par- unfair to remind him and his brother liament, to induce Sir Robert Peel to ministers of their former professions, and alter his measure in accordance with of the declarations made on the hustings these views, but, at the same time, care by themselves and others, on the force will be taken to afford the protectionists of which the present government was no opportunity of joining their extreme formed, concluded his speech by saying, opponents in a vote, which might have" I do not think that landlords will have the effect of throwing out the Govern- to make any very great sacrifices; but, enment Bill altogether. There seems to tertaining the opinions which I do, foundbe no doubt that, at the very least, the ed on the experience I now possess, I say, were the sacrifice ten times greater, I, | alone can forgive sins, does what his for one, sooner than it should be said of priest does. He declared this to be the myself, or any of the class to which I doctrine of the Church of England, viz., belong, that our object was to secure for that the priest does not merely declare ourselves an increase of rent, and not to a pardon, but speaks by God's authority promote the happiness and welfare of committed to him. He argued at great the great body of the community-sooner length for Confession, and declared it to than leave any room for such a suspicion, be the solemn duty of priests to lead I should say, speaking for myself, that I their people to the practice. He enwould descend to a lower estate and ab-couraged those who were hoping and rogate my inheritance. It is said a great desiring that the church should have party has been dissolved; it is said old what it had not now. political ties have been severed; it is said that social relations have been disturbed; it is anticipated, and it is not improbable, that an administration may be dissolved; and though I should regret the former part of these consequences, on my conscience, I believe this proposition will save a great and powerful nation from anarchy, misery, and ruin." We believe so too, and therefore do we thank God for the prospects which are presenting themselves, and hope that, under his blessing, that nation, about to be delivered from the curse of monopoly, will enjoy a long career of prosperity and happiness, and will contribute largely to the advancement of civilization and religion on the earth, and so to the promotion of the glory of God and the good of mankind. PUSEYISM. OUR readers may recollect that about 66 He bade them wait; there could be no sudden restoration, but God had given them the desire for these things-confession, penitence, discipline, and if they would wait, all would be well. He preached nearly an hour and a half, and his discourse was decidedly popish throughout." It remains to be seen what steps the ecclesiastical authorities at home will adopt; but in the meantime, Rome is no uninterested spectator. The following is a letter which lately appeared in a foreign newspaper: Rome, Jan. 19.-On the 14th inst. the Vicar-General of the Catholic church, Cardinal Patrizi, issued a proclamation to the people of Rome, which runs thus: Not a few persons distinguished for piety have besought us with urgent prayers to grant permission for a solemn festival of a novena (nine days' service) in the church of the Jesuits, in order to implore from Almighty God the wider spread and happy increase of the Catholic faith in England. The Holy Father has not only listened favourably to this pious request, but furthermore has promised to all the faithful who take an active part in the ceremony a partial indulgence of 300 days for every visit, and a plenary indulgence to those who attend the novena five times at least, it being understood that at the same time such persons are to approach the confessional and Lord's supper. This nine days' ceremony is to begin at 11 o'clock A.M. on the 17th inst., in the church above named. Whether ye look, my christian brethren, at the great and noble aim in behalf of which these public prayers are offered to the Almighty, or whether ye calculate the gain of the holy indulgencies, by means of which we may shorten the punishment due to our sins-in either case ye must in every way, to the best of your strength, interest yourselves in the matter, and take part in the pious exercise, by praying the Giver of all good, and the Father of all mercy, that he will pour out over that realm and its inhabitants his light and those gifts of grace, for obtaining which alone our prayers will be effectual." PAROCHIAL FAST-DAYS. recognises them at all. No other statute of the realm, we believe, gives them any THE Sub-inspector of factories lately pro- authority whatever. In saying so, we secuted the Braeside Factory Company, mean no disrespect for fast-days, still Kilmarnock, before the Justices, for a less do we wish that persons in the embreach of the Factory Act, in so far as ployment of others should have their they had females and young persons religious privileges curtailed or their working on the sacramental fast-day of consciences violated. We hope the good the parish; and the following decision feeling of employers will generally sewas given:cure to those in their service all reason"Kilmarnock, 24th January 1846.- able indulgence of the kind in question. The Justices having considered this But if this cannot be depended on, then complaint, with the admission of the let the time required be made matter of defenders and proof adduced, Find that bargain between the parties themselves. the defenders employed certain women We have no idea of the Established and young persons in their mill or fac- Church being entitled, at its pleasure, to tory at Kilmarnock, on the 13th day of give servants an idle day, more than any November 1845: Find it not proved other denomination in the kingdom. We that the said 13th day of November was question, too, whether the Justices are a fast-day set apart by the Church of right in supposing that the General AsScotland for a sacramental fast in the sembly requires even one fast-day in the parish in which the said factory is situ- year. The Directory for Public Worship ated. In terms of the Act founded on is altogether silent on the point. in the complaint, therefore, assoilzie the defenders from the conclusions of said complaint." AMERICA. SINCE our last, rather warlike intelli“Note.—The Justices are of opinion gence has reached us from across the that one sacramental fast alone is re- Atlantic. Oregon has been the subject quired by the General Assembly to be of very warm discussion in the Congress set apart in each parish annually, as of the States. On one subordinate point, shown by the well-known practice in the the party breathing out hostility to Brimajority of parishes in Scotland, and tain, had, in the House of Representacorroborated by the single annual allow- tives, a majority of 102 to 89. Even ance for communion elements; and far- that, however, was not carried, as the ther, that nothing has appeared to them votes of two-thirds are required for such from the Factory Act, or the evidence a purpose. But we are glad to learn that adduced, rendering the observance of a more pacific spirit is beginning to premore than one fast-day imperative on vail, and we trust the intelligence of free the mill-owners of Scotland, and the trade, when it reaches them, will still defenders in this case having already farther allay their animosity. It is an complied therewith, the Justices cannot instructive fact, and speaks volumes in see that the statute has in this instance favour of unrestricted commerce as a been violated, nor can they conceive means of keeping peace, that the States that any local usage or congregational in the south and the east, which chiefly arrangement (and as such they certainly traffic with this country, are strongly view the arrangement hitherto in use in this parish on the celebration of the winter sacrament) can interfere with or alter the general rules of the Church of Scotland, whence, they presume, must emanate all regulations for the government of the church." From all this we conclude that the Factory Act sanctions parochial fast-days, whether one or two in the year is of less importance. We regret to learn that it opposed to war. Those in the far west, which have almost no intercourse with us, and produce nothing but grain, which we have hitherto refused to purchase, are mad for the commencement of hostilities. There are few evils wholly unproductive of good. The enormity of American slavery, we believe, will be in part overruled for the maintenance of peace. A negro rebellion would be the inevitable consequence of war. MURRAY AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. THE UNITED SECESSION MAGAZINE FOR APRIL, 1846. MISCELLANEOUS COMMUNICATIONS. THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE IN RELATION TO THE POWER OF THE CIVIL MAGISTRATE-ERASTIANISM. THE subject with which we propose to occupy the attention of our readers, in the present paper, is that view of the voluntary system which relates to what has been termed "the power of the civil magistrate." The whole merits of the controversy, in one, at least, of its most important aspects, between the supporters of state churches and the advocates of an unsecularized and voluntary christianity, may be said to centre in the question, "What ought to be the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion?" If, as the Scriptures very clearly affirm, the kingdom of Christ is, in its nature and objects, altogether distinct from the kingdoms of this world, and men, accordingly, in matters of religious belief and observance, have to do, not with the potentates of this earth, but with Christ and Christ alone," who has been given to be Head over all things to his Church;" nothing would seem more evident, than that when human governments took up questions relating to religion, and legislated on affairs connected with the church of Christ, they invaded a province which did not belong to them, and assumed the exercise of a prerogative which pertained only to the church's sovereign Lord. And, yet, this is the power which is claimed on behalf of civil magistracy by the supporters of state establishments of religion. Even where the spiritual independence of the church of Christ is asserted, it is still contended, strangely enough, by those who profess adherence to the system of church establishments, that it is the duty of human governments" to legislate" in reference to the concerns of the church, and, in particular, that it belongs to the supreme magistrate in the state to employ his authority, and to apply the resources placed at his disposal, in giving effect to his own views, or the views of the legislature, whatever these may be, on the subject of religion. As this is an opinion which those holding "the voluntary principle" distinctly repudiate, it is of much consequence, more especially in the present times, when the controversies of past ages on NO. IV. VOL. III. T the subject have been revived in a practical form, that the friends of religious liberty and equality were well aware of the ground which. they occupied, and that the views entertained by them as to the question of “the magistrate's power" should not only be kept from being misrepresented, but pressed upon public attention in such a way as not to be misunderstood. "have Although it may seem scarcely necessary, it may yet be useful, in order to prevent misconception, to observe, that the question is not, whether, in a country where the gospel is enjoyed, civil magistrates, like other men, ought to give attention to religion. On this point there is, and can be, no dispute. Nor is the question, whether civil governors, as such, in the discharge of the duties of their office, to do with God and God with them." Here, again, there is no ground for controversy. In regard to the trust which they hold for the good of their fellow-creatures, civil rulers are not only responsible to men but to God; and it is as much their duty to rule "in the fear of the Lord" as it is the duty of other men, in following out the ordinary business connected with their secular calling, " to do all things to the glory of God." Farther, the question is not, whether it be the duty of the civil magistrate to protect men in the exercise of their religion, and to promote, by every means, consistent with the office which he holds, and compatible with the nature of religion itself, the interests of truth and of godliness throughout the nation over which he reigns. Like other men, in respect of the civil stations which they occupy, the supreme magistrate of a state, if he be truly a religious man, cannot but have much influence, and many opportunities of doing good, in the exalted sphere which he fills.-But the question is, whether the instrument of civil power, usually called "the sword," which is placed in the magistrate's hand, and which is confessedly an instrument of force or compulsion, is to be used by him authoritatively in establishing what he may deem to be truth, and in dealing with men on the subject of religion? Those who adhere to the system of state churches maintain that such a power of compulsion ought to be employed; they who hold that religion is a matter of voluntary choice, although of personal obligation, and that its claims are to be received, not on the authority of man, but of God, deny that such a power as that referred to, ought to be applied by the civil magistrate, either in enforcing his own views or the views of others, in religion. In the establishment of a state church, or of a religious system of any kind, there are various forms in which the coercive power of the civil magistrate is manifested, all of which are equally objectionable, as being injurious alike to the interests of true religion, and destructive, in their tendency, of the principles both of civil and religious liberty. 1. Those who hold the voluntary principle, maintain that it does not belong to the civil magistrate to determine and establish by civil statute, on behalf of his subjects, what are the religious truths which they shall believe. Unless this were done, there could be no such thing as a state church, properly so called. And has the civil magistrate, then, any right thus to determine, not for himself merely for this he is bound to do but for others, what truths they shall receive, and what forms of religion they shall observe, in connexion with the service of |