philosophical world. On this head there will always be an ample field for stricture; because it will ever be found impossible to define terms so accurately as to convey but one precise shade of meaning, while in the transference of a phrase from matter to mind, the metaphor which is involved in every expression which is common to both these subjects, will never cease to render the conception vague and unsatisfactory to the general reader. Hence it is obvious that metaphysical enquiries will never be conducted with success, until a nomenclature, similar to that constructed by Lavoisier for chemical science, shall be introduced into the schools of philosophy, throughout the whole republic of letters. The difficulty, it is admitted, will be greater in this case; because ideas and emotions cannot be combined in fractional parts, nor have their affinities been determined by any species of mu"It should seem, moreover, that unless there were some tual attraction. But it appears possible, nevertheless, by thing common in the divine and human nature, it would be the use of certain artificial forms, resembling the memoria impossible that the creature should ever know its Creator. technica of Gray, or the anatomical vocabulary of the late Assume for a moment, that wisdom, or power and goodDr Barclay, to obtain at least an approximation to that ness, are specifically deficient in God and in us, and it is precision which is so desirable in all metaphysical re- certain, that the notion of such a Deity would be indistin searches. Could this be accomplished, it would soon ap-guishable from the fate and chance of an atheist. Nature pear that, instead of the varying opinions and the inter- would speak to us in a language unintelligible, and the word of God become one of no real meaning to our apprehensions. minable controversies which have hitherto attended the It could neither assist our reason nor operate upon our afprogress of mental philosophy, there has been, in fact, an fections. Does not this consideration alone afford a strong astonishing unanimity in the conclusions of the more dis- presumption of the foundation of that analogy which mantinguished writers who have figured in that department, kind have ventured to assume? As rational and responsifrom the era of Descartes, down to the posthumous pub- ble creatures, it seems indispensable that we should not be lication of Dr Brown. The apparent difference arises ignorant of the most important of all our relations-that almost entirely from the imperfection of human language, in which we stand to our Maker; yet of that relation we can have no knowledge without some apprehension of his and more especially from the vague import of the terms being and attributes; and this knowledge again is impossible, which successive authors have found it necessary to em- unless there be in that being and those attributes something ploy. analogous to our own. In proportion, therefore, to the presumption that God would give us a knowledge so important, is the presumption that he would so constitute us as to be able to attain to it; and this probability, whatever be its force, is, I think, clearly equal to that of any argument which our adversaries can adduce against our pos sessing such knowledge from the antecedent improbability, that the nature of a creature like man should have any thing analogous to that of a Being so infinitely superior. There is, therefore, we conceive, nothing either absurd or presumptuous in the assumption, that mind in man bears a direct analogy with mind in his Maker: since, in recog inferences, he is precisely making that use of reason for nising that analogy, and in drawing from it the proper which especially it was given to him." vations on the analogy of mind in the Supreme Being and in man, although by no means original, are very well expressed, and must serve as the only specimen of the book which our limits will admit : "In arguing as to the probable nature of the divine attributes and purposes, from our experience of human motives and intelligence, we should always bear in mind the infinite difference between the two subjects. But this difference atfects rather the degree than the kind of the attributes in question. And, indeed, as we cannot conceive of any moral or intellectual attribute, otherwise than in reference to the' experience of our own consciousness, to speak of any such as being specially different in the Deity, and in us, is really to use words without meaning. If the terms, wisdom, and power, and goodness, mean something else when ap plied to the Deity than their usual acceptation imports, they do, in fact, mean nothing. Asa proof of what we have now stated, it may be sufficient to observe, that while we admire the ingenuity of the work now before us, and admit the justness of nearly all the strictures which it contains, the author, in every by section, commits the very faults which he condemns in his predecessors, and assails the comprehension of his readers with the same kind of perplexity which he lays to the charge of Hume and Reid. There is hardly a single word used throughout the book without undergoing a slight change in its acceptation, according to the nature of the subject to which it is applied. Even the familiar term "knowledge" appears at one time to express the amount of what a man knows; at another time, to denote the process by which the mind proceeds in the search of truth; and finally, to mean the faculty or power by means of which that process is accomplished. "The power or faculty of the mind," says he," which knows and judges, I apprehend to be in itself the same, being modified only bby the differing objects of its speculation-That faculty we call reason. Reason perceives truth by intuition, and probability by judgment, and the result of one of these is knowledge, and of the other belief. I may add, the subject of truth is always some proposition expressed or tatit; of probability, some fact, whether actual or eventual. But it is plain that every fact may be stated as a proposition, and every truth may be considered as a fact. The object of knowledge is truth, and the subject of truth is existence." It is obvious that knowledge the result of reason, and knowledge which has truth for its object, cannot mean the same thing: in the former case, it denotes the acquisition; in the latter, it means the instrument or process by which the acquisition is made. The author, notwithstanding, is evidently a man of a very acute mind, and withal sound and practical in his st conclusions. He is very successful in combating the sophistry of the ideal school, and in exposing the scepticism which was engrafted upon it by the followers of Hume. But, as his remarks are confined to insulated positions in the works of numerous writers, there is a want of continuity in them, which renders them equally incathepable of abridgement or quotation. The following obser الله Journal of a Tour made by Senor Juan de Vega, the Spanish Minstrel of 1828-9, through Great Britain and Ireland, a character assumed by an English Gentleman. Two volumes. London. Simpkin and Marshall. 1830. 8vo. Pp. 416 and 400. KNOWING nothing whatever of the author of this book, except by the internal evidence which the work itself affords, we should set him down for some gentleman's dis carded gentleman, some low licentious flunky, who, after pandering to all the worst vices of his master, was probably detected stealing silver spoons and other superfluities, and, at his earnest supplication, discharged upon the spot, as the only possible mode of avoiding a year's imprisonment in Bridewell. We should conjecture that he had afterwards assumed about a dozen aliases, and that his principal haunts were wretched tippling houses, disreputable billiard-rooms, and blackguard gaming-tables, where he attempted to cheat those who were themselves expert in the art, and sometimes varied the evening's amusement by picking a pocket, or passing a bad halfcrown. Finding, however, that by these expedients he was able to realise but a very precarious livelihood, we presume this precious specimen of an " ENGLISH GentleMAN" at length bethought him of still another alias, and, as the Spanish emigrants were rather popular at the time, conceived the idea of imposing on people in that capacity. He accordingly procured an old Spanish dress from some unholy pawnbroker, with whom he must frequently have had suspicious dealings before, and set out on his travels with a guitar in his hand. He may have picked up a smattering of Spanish when in the service of his quondam master, with whom, perhaps, he visited the continent, and thus furnished, had sufficient self-confidence to flatter himself that he was somewhat superior to the common vagrants who go about with hautboys, violins, and flutes, to fair and market. We come to this conclusion concerning the real character of Señor Juan de Vega, from a perusal of the disgusting trash with which his two volumes are filled. Could we suppose that a gentleman would, for a week or two, (and certainly not for longer,) wander through the country disguised as a minstrel, he might see some odd scenes, and get glimpses of human nature in new situations; and if he was a person of talent a Smollett or a Fielding,-a Hogarth or a Cruickshank he might turn then to excellent account. But this poor dull drivel pours out the sickening tediousness of his commonplace details over more than eight hundred octavo pages, embellishing the miserable and illiterate silliness of every thing he says and does with mean scandal and prurient obscenity. We could scarcely conceive of any grub in Grubstreet, for whom we could have a more complete contempt, than we have for the creature who has written this book. A goodly brace of volumes too! handsomely printed and embellished! yet containing nothing but a gross congregation of unwholesome words, an insult on the British public, and an outrage on common decency. If any one thinks we have spoken severely, let him turn over the leaves of this vicious production, and if he be a respectable member of society, a father of a family, and a man, he will acknowledge the moral duty of extinguishing a reptile like Señor Juan de Vega. FINE ARTS.-Wild's English Cathedrals. London: Ro- The Landscape Annual for 1831. London: Robert 1830. THE twelve select examples of the ecclesiastical architecture of the middle ages in England, from coloured drawings by Mr Charles Wild, form a work of much interest and of great splendour. Nothing can be noblernothing more rich and magnificent-than the views, either of the exteriors or interiors, of such cathedrals as those of York, Ely, Oxford, Peterborough, Wells, Glocester, Ipswich, and Salisbury. The distinctness of the drawing, together with the gorgeous style of colouring, must make these views highly acceptable to the architect, the antiquarian, and the general patron of the arts, who loves to see on his table, or on the shelves of his library, suitable representations of those beautiful buildings, which reflect back upon the religion of the land a portion of that dignity inseparable from its holy rites and ordinances. "Qui n'a vu Paris n'a rien vu," says the old French proverb, and its truth has, of late years, been verified by the innumerable host of visitors who have poured into that city from all quarters of the globe. By a diligent perusal, however, of Jennings' Views of Paris, engraved under the superintendence of Charles Heath, the more The Landscape Annual for 1831 bids fair to be at least as attractive as its predecessor for the present year. We have been favoured with early copies of several of the engravings now in progress, and have seldom seen any similar works of art with which we have been more pleased. The Landscape Annual is at once a beautiful and a cheap book, and, to the picturesque and imaginative tourist, must be the source of much delight, as well as instruction. The Historical Description of the Chapel and Castle of Roslin, and the romantic scenery in the neighbourhood, is a little work not unworthy of its subject. It is embellished with two spirited views of the Chapel and Castle, and is as pretty a specimen of ornamental printing as has issued from the Ballantyne press. We think none of the many summer visitors to that lovely spot should neglect to provide themselves with a copy of this publication, which will supply them with new associations, and, consequently, with increased pleasure in the course of their rambles. The Panorama of Switzerland is one of the most complete and interesting species of guide-books we have seen. It places us on the top of the Righi mountain, and shows us the whole of the country spread out below in an eminently picturesque and distinct manner. The accompanying descriptive notices, with which there is also a map, are full and accurate. Mr Samuel Leigh is unquestionably the facile princeps among those booksellers who address themselves peculiarly to summer tourists. THIS is a collection of fugitive pieces, which indicates considerable poetical discrimination on the part of the compiler. He is the more entitled to praise, as a great proportion of the verses he has selected are anonymous, and consequently did not come recommended to him by the previously acquired popularity of the author. There is on this account, also, a greater degree of originality in the Diadem, than in most works of a similar description. One fault we have to find with the editor, whom we understand to be a very young man; he has taken no fewer than twenty-three distinct pieces from the Literary Journal, and yet has in no one instance acknowledged the source from which they are obtained. We conceive this to be wrong, for though we don't grudge compilers the benefit of our exertions, we like to see our property particularized. From a number of very good anonymous pieces which we had not met with before, we extract one: THE AULD MAN. "Down Lyddal glen the stream leaps glad; The birds sing loud on tower and tree; "The minstrel trims his merriest string, I smile, but my smiling seems to say, "The damsels dance: their beaming eyes With a merry kiss and mirthsome shout. "A maiden said to me with a smile, Though past the hour of bridal bliss, "Sweet one, thou smilest! but I have had, "I've courted till the morning star Wax'd dim, ere came our parting time; The dame of my heart, though my locks be grey." The typography of this little volume is neat, but the paper is scarcely good enough for the contents. Legendary Tales, in Verse and Prose. Collected by H. Fox Talbot, Esq. London. James Ridgway. 1830. 18mo. Pp. 253. THERE is a good deal of merit in this little volume. The author is evidently a young man, but there is promise in what he writes. Some of his poetry possesses both fancy and feeling, and several of his prose tales are interesting and well composed. The poetical pieces are entitled, the Magic Mirror, the Bale-Fire, the Lost Treasures, Norna, a Danish Legend, Sir Edwin, the Pearls, and the Bandit Chief; the sketches in prose are Conrad, or a Tale of the Crusades, Rosina, the Presentiment, and Rubezahl, or the Mountain Spirit. Mr H. Fox Talbot, an assumed name we suppose, need not blush to confess his real one. The Patriot Father. An Historical Play in five acts, adapted from the German of Augustus von Kotzebue. By Frederick Shoberl. London. R. S. Kirby. 1830. Sewed. Pp. 60. KOTZEBUE On the whole is but a feeble poet: this play, however, contains some pretty enough passages, and is free from that morbid taint, that desire to paint vice in amiable colours, which is apparent in some of his other productions. The plot, which is extremely simple and even meagre, is founded on an incident supposed to have occurred early in the 15th century, during the civil wars among the first German reformers. The town of Naumburg is besieged, and is about to be sacked, but is saved by the inhabitants sending out all their young children to intercede for them with the hostile general. The translation is respectably executed by Mr Shoberl. An Outline of English Grammar; with Explanatory Notes and Orthographical Exercises, for the use of Schools. By John Reid, M.D. Glasgow. John Reid. 1830. 18mo. Pp. 68. THE orthographical exercises, which are well calculated to improve the pupil in the art of spelling, constitute the most useful and distinguishing feature of this little work. MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT PERSONS SIR WALTER RALEIGH. RALEIGH was born in the year 1552, at Hayes, a farm in Devonshire. His father was the representative of an ancient but reduced family; his mother was the daughter of Sir Philip Champernon, a gentleman of large estate in Devonshire. Raleigh was sent to Oxford at sixteen, where he remained three years. In 1571, he enlisted into a troop of gentlemen volunteers, commanded by Henry Champernon, his maternal uncle, about to proceed to France, to offer their assistance to the Huguenot Princes. They served on horseback, and carried a flag with the inscription, Finem det mihi virtus." They were well received by the Queen of Navarre and her confederates, in whose service they remained six years. Raleigh subsequently served under Sir John Norris in the Netherlands. 66 On his return to England in 1578, he caught the spirit of maritime discovery, then so prevalent. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his half-brother, a man of strong talent, good education, and considerable fortune, had devoted himself to the study of cosmography and navigation. By his researches, he demonstrated to his own satisfaction, the possibility of a north-west passage to the East Indies. Influenced probably by the masculine character of Sir Humphrey, Raleigh, who was thirteen years his junior, took a personal share in an enterprise sanctioned by Queen Elizabeth, to plant and inhabit certain parts of North America, not occupied by any of her allies. The dangers of this expedition were not trifling. Many who had promised to assist with men and ships, failed in their engagements. The adventurers sailed with two vessels only, one of which was lost in an engagement with the Spaniards, and Raleigh returned to England without bettering his circumstances. Disappointed in this quarter, he next turned his views to Ireland, where the native insurgents had recently been reinforced by a body of Italians and Spaniards. Raleigh obtained a commission, and was attached to the troops under the Earl of Ormond, governor of Munster. In the ensuing campaign he distinguished himself above most of his brother officers. His character stood so high in the army, that on the departure of Lord Ormond for England, he was appointed, in conjunction with two In this situation he contiothers, to supply his place. nued till the spring of 1582, when, upon the reduction of with the intention of pushing his fortune at court. the principal rebels, he returned to England, apparently this slippery path. He was six feet in height, admirably Raleigh was in his 30th year when he entered upon proportioned, strong, and graceful. His forehead was broad and high: his eye intelligent, but softened with the shadows of thought. To the natural attractions of his person, he added those of costly and splendid attire. His imaginative and intellectual powers were of the highest order. His mind had been trained in the schools, and his character formed in the emergencies, of active life. With such recommendations there is no wonder that he soon succeeded in obtaining the good graces of Elizabeth. The story that he introduced himself to her notice by casting his embroidered cloak upon a piece of marshy ground, over which she had to pass, although characteristic, is of doubtful authority. In a letter from Elizabeth to the viceroy of Ireland, dated April 1582, she directs the command of a company of foot, then vacant, to be bestowed upon Raleigh, with power to him to intrust the charge to a lieutenant, " for that he is for some considerations by us excused to stay here." She attributes her interference in his favour to "the special care we Spanish fleet was approaching, he joined the British admiral in a vessel fitted out by himself, with six vessels only, and immediately took the lead among those gallant men who hung upon and infested the enemy's rear. have to do him good in respect of his kindred, who have served us, some of them near about our person." That Raleigh was in the habit of flattering Elizabeth in his effusions in verse is certain; but the story of the couplet composed between them, and inscribed on a window, rests upon the same uncertain foundation as that of the cloak. But whether he first attracted the attention of the Queen by an act of chivalrous devotion, by his reputation in arms, or by the good offices of his friends, he made rapid progress in her favour. He was also patron-exertions, a fleet of thirteen vessels, with which he haized by Sir Philip Sydney, a kindred spirit, who had much influence with Elizabeth, on account of his personal merits, and more on account of his near relationship to Leicester. In the autumn of 1589, Raleigh sailed with Drake and Norris, who, with the permission of Elizabeth, lent their services to the King of Portugal, against the aggressions of Spain. On his return from this adventure, he visited Spenser in Ireland. In 1590, he raised, by his own rassed the Spaniards in the Indies. In 1592, an event occurred which threw him for some time into the shade. As gentleman of the Privy Chamber, an office which he had now held for some time, he was brought into frequent communication with the ladies of the bedchamber. Between him and one of them, an orphan daughter of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, a lady of great beauty, and of a turn of mind not unlike Raleigh's, as well in strength He was discovered, which rendered marriage indispensable to Raleigh was, aware that exertion on his part alone could support his influence at court; and under this conviction he attached himself to his brother Sir Humphrey, then about to set out on his second voyage to Newfoundland. He built, at his own charge, a vessel of two hun-and intelligence, as in a love of external show, an intimacy dred tons, named The Bark Raleigh, on board of which he was to command, as vice-admiral of the expedition. He sailed on the 11th of June, 1583, but was obliged to return by a contagious disorder which broke out among his crew. Sir Humphrey, who reached his destination, perished on his homeward voyage; but upon Raleigh's application to the council, the patent of discovery, in which the country to be explored was now for the first time designated by the name of Virginia, was renewed in his favour. Raleigh was well prepared for conducting the undertaking. He had shared in the confidence of his lamented relative. He had ascertained from pilots and others who had sailed in Spanish vessels, that a continued coast to the north-west was discoverable, as they returned from Mexico by Havannah and the Gulf of Florida; and that the Spaniards, had hitherto settled only on the middle and southern parts of Ame rica. He supported Morgue in England, while engaged in constructing charts of Florida. He patronized and interchanged information with Hakluyt. He advanced the fortunes of Herriot, the mathematician, who contests with Descartes the honour of simplifying our algebraic notation, and received instructions from him in his science. The active prosecution of the American expedition, Raleigh committed to Sir Richard Grenville, whom he dispatched with two well-equipped barks in 1584. The voyage was fortunate, and Grenville returned, after discovering Carolina, and establishing a friendly intercourse with the natives. Shortly afterwards, Raleigh sent out a colony under the direction of Grenville and Herriot, which was established at Roanoke in Virginia. He subsequently fitted out four fleets, at different times, to reinforce the colony, entirely at his own expense. At last, after having spent upon this project L.40,000, he assigned, in 1588, his right and title in the settlement to certain merchants and gentlemen of London, reserving to himself the fifth part of the gold and silver ore found in the territories. He was by no means wholly engrossed, however, by his schemes of colonisation. In 1584, he was returned to Parliament for Devonshire. In 1586, he received from the Queen an estate of 12,000 acres in Cork and Waterford. He also purchased the estate of Sherborne, in Devonshire, which afterwards yielded him L.5000 per annum. His residence seems to have been chiefly in London, where he had apartments in Durham House, St James's, and Somerset House; but he likewise made in person one or more voyages to Virginia; and he shared with Davis in the honour of being the first to explore Davis' Straits, The preparations for receiving the Spanish Armada in 1589, gave full scope for the display of Raleigh's talents and devotion to his country, As member of a council of war instituted for the occasion, he drew up a well-digested scheme for securing the nation. As lord-lieutenant of Cornwall, he assembled and organized the militia of that county. When the intelligence arrived that the In 1596, he was appointed to a joint command with the Earl of Essex and Lord Howard, in the fleet destinedagainst Cadiz. Every one was loud in praise of the valour he displayed on this occasion; but his only recompense was a wound, in the leg. In 1597, he was again associated with the same commanders in the expedition fitted out for harassing the Spanish trade, and known under the name of "the Island Voyage." Essex had been introduced to court by his father-in-law. Leicester, for the express purpose of countervailing Raleigh's rising, favour with the Queen. Except in bravery and ambition, the two rivals were direct opposites; Raleigh, dignified, provident, but unbending and unpopular; Essex,, the favourite both of the Queen and the populace, rash, and abrupt. When Essex was at last beheaded in 1601, Raleigh was accused of having been the chief agent in, bringing about his rival's execution, but this accusation. appears to have been entirely unfounded. During the ten last years of Elizabeth's life, Raleigh, devoted considerable attention to the concerns of Cornwall, studying its antiquities, and cherishing its interests. He extended the researches, into which he had been thus led, to the general antiquities of his country, and became a member of an antiquarian society, founded by Archbishop Parker. After its dissolution, he continued his intimacy with its most distinguished members-Stow, Camden, Cotton, Hooker, Selden, and Bacon. Before, the accession of James, Raleigh founded the celebrated Mermaid Club. Here he passed his hours of relaxation with Shakspeare, Jonson, Beaumont, Fletcher, Donne, Carew, and those more learned and less fanciful friends we have named above. But here Sir Walter's life of private happiness and public utility closes. A new king arose who would not know him, and the brief remaining portion of our narrative is one of almost unmingled pain. James had been impressed, by the unfortunate Essex, with the belief that Raleigh was a turbulent and ambi tious spirit, and hostile to his claim to the English throne. Raleigh was one of the few who never compromised his allegiance to his dying sovereign by over-hasty prostration before her successor. The first manifestation of James's enmity was the unjust stretch of his prerogative, by which he took from Raleigh's son his affianced bride, and gave her to another. The next step was forbidding Raleigh to appear at court. A memorial, in which he sought to vindicate himself, was answered by depriving him of the office of Captain of the Guard. The mad conspiracy for placing Anabella Stewart upon the thrones tempt to escape; but being frustrated by the treachery of a confident, he resigned himself to his fate, rather than exhibit the undignified spectacle of fluttering in the net. On the 28th of October, 1618, he was taken from his bed in an ague fit, hurried to Westminster, condemned upon the original sentence, and a warrant for his execution next day produced, which must have been signed before the proceedings commenced. On the morning of his execution he breakfasted and took a pipe of tobacco as usual. He ascended the scaffold in a grave, but costly dress. Being shown the axe, he passed his finger along the edge, remarking that it was a sharp but speedy remedy. He went through his devotions with decorum; and declared that he died an innocent and loyal subject. He then knelt to the block, and gave the signal to the executioner, without one nerve being observed to quiver. Thus closed one of the most splendid and eventful. careers recorded in biography, Raleigh has his high character attested by all the truly noble and virtuous, of his age. His accusers are the retailers of the garbled scandal floating about a court, or professed enemies, The value of his works is attested by Hampden's anxious collection of them; by Milton's condescending to edit one of them; and by the united testimony of all the great, names of our literature. AN APOLOGY FOR SCOLDING. SCOLDING is indubitably a department of the Belles Lettres. Indeed, a glance at the composition of the word eloquence must convince the veriest sceptic that scolding, being the ne plus ultra of out-speaking, is best entitled to that honourable but misapplied designation. Scolding is to those milder harangues that usurp the name of eloquence what the rush of high-pressure steam through the safetyvalve is to that humbler current which indicates the attainment of the boiling point in a tea-kettle. It is itself, indeed, a safety-valve to the hearer, allowing that mental effervescence to escape ore rotundo, and "waste its sweetness on the desert air," which might otherwise explode through some more perilous instrumentality. was soon afterwards made the engine for ruining Raleigh, and blasting his character. Brookes declared, on the scaffold, that all he had sworn against Raleigh was false. Cobham, the only other witness against him, when examined many years afterwards, unsaid all his accusations. On the trial, the prisoner was refused his undoubted privilege of having the witnesses confronted with him. The depositions of Cobham, read in court, were contradictory. Yet upon such worthless and flimsy testimony was he found guilty, on the 17th of September, 1603, of accession to a treasonable conspiracy, and sentenced to die. His deportment, during the whole trial, is described as modest, ingenuous, and dignified. From the day of his trial, till the 17th of March, 1615, he was kept a prisoner, without any step being taken, on the part of the king or his council, to order him for execution. During this long period, he experienced all that sickness of heart and ruin of physical health, which, to an ardent mind, are the inevitable consequences of confinement. He was also exposed to all the petty annoyances which low minds heap upon their betters when fate has cast them down ;— but found, at the same time, all the consolations of devoted love and friendship. His public offices had, of course, all been taken from him. In 1604, all his chattels were, by the king's grant, given over to trustees of Raleigh's nomination, for behoof of his wife and children; but even of this small pittance he was deprived by the villainy of one whom he trusted. Latterly, his health broke down completely under his long confinement, and he seems to have suffered under violent rheumatisms, if not incipient palsy. Amid all these evils, however, he was borne up by the devoted attentions of his wife, and the unremitting solicitude of the best friends of his better days. He had resources, too, within his own mind. He passed much of his time in chemical investigation. He composed the first part of his History of the World, and his best philosophical works. But what chiefly buoyed him up, was a project for establishing a settlement in Guiana. In 1595, he had made a voyage thither, and had conducted himself with such humanity towards the natives, that his name was long afterwards held in reverence by them. Immediately after his return from the expedition against Cadiz, he had obtained the sanction of Elizabeth to his colonizing that part of the American continent. Hopeless of better days at home, he looked from his prison to this distant shore as a place of refuge, and trusted that the advantage which would accrue to England in consequence would be a bribe to its king to free the man, he had wronged. At last, upon the death of Cecil, the sum of £1500, raised by the sale of a house which belonged to Lady Raleigh, judiciously applied, procured him liberty, and a commission from the king pointing him commander in his projected enterprise. He sailed the 26th of March, 1617, with six ships. He had collected together the small remains of his fortune, but the sum was not sufficient for his equipment; and, having applied to several merchant-adventurers, he had been supplied by them with motley, ill-disciplined, and dissolute crews. King James, who had wormed from him the secret of his enterprise, had betrayed it to Gondemar, the Spanish ambassador. The Spaniards, jealous of any neighbours on the continent of South America, were prepared to give him a hostile reception. In addition to all these disadvantages, he was now in his sixty-fifth year. Owing to stress of weather, it was July before he got out to sea, and November before he reached the continent of South America. He dispatched Captain Keymis and his son on an exploratory excursion up the Oronooko. They were attacked by the Spaniards; young Raleigh met his death through excess of rashness, and his companion, through excess of cowardice, returned. In the meantime, a mutiny was on the eve of breaking out in the fleet. Raleigh saw the attempt to form a settle-witchery of "noble horsemanship." ment was now hopeless, and set sail for England. Soon It may be interesting and instructive to exhibit the after his landing, he was apprehended. He made one at several advantages of this bigh branch of eloquence. Im But there is a still loftier claim which scolding can advance to the palm of pre-eminence. The pleading of the lawyer, plead he ever so powerfully, is paid for; the pulpit orator has too often in view preferment or popularity; the honourable member speechifies to obtain place or to preserve it; but the scolder scolds without view to payment, preferment, popularity, or place. Apropos of this word "Scolder;" I do not find it in Johnson; but a combined feeling of gallantry to the fair patronesses of this art and of justice to the male practitioners, has inap-duced me to coin it. Its previous non-existence in our language demonstrates that the English are fonder of deeds than words of wrath, and that they consign the lat ter to those females who are dubbed Anglicé "scolds." The French have both "grondeurs" and "grondeuses;" and we all know that our Gallic neighbours preface their campaigns with much flourish of tongues as well as of trumpets. But this word "scolder" is not to be confounded with "scold ;" by the former, I would designate the amateurs of scolding, whether male or female; whereas the latter word, according to Johnson, implies only "a clamorous, rude, foul-mouthed woman," for which personage I am certainly no apologist. A female of this un. gracious class has no claim to the higher grade of gronderie. She is die Zänkerinn of the German, and is, ac cording to Ludwig, equivalent to ein böses Weib. The life of such an individual, being one continued grumble, presents only the caricature of scolding-proper, bearing nearly the same relation to it that the tweedledum of the itinerant violinist does to the refined execution of the amateur, or the stiff ex officio seat of the dragoon to the |