244

Never had tyranny been more cruel and bloody than that which the Athenians had lately thrown off. Every house was in mourning; every family bewailed the loss of some relation. It had been a series of public robbery and rapine, in which licence and impunity had authorized all manner of crimes. The people seemed to have a right to demand the blood of all accomplices, in such notorious malversations, and even the interest of the state seemed to authorize such a claim, that by exemplary severities such enormous crimes might be prevented for the future. But Thrasybulus, rising above those sentiments, from the superiority of his more extensive genius, and the views of a more discerning and profound policy, foresaw, that by consenting to the punishment of the guilty, eternal seeds of discord and enmity would remain, to weaken the republic by domestic divisions, which it was necessary to unite against the common enemy, and occasion the loss to the state of a great number of citizens, who might render it important services even from the desire. of making amends for past misbehaviour.

Such conduct, after great troubles in a state, has always seemed, with the ablest politicians, the most certain and ready means to restore the public peace and tranquillity. Cicero, when Rome was divided into two factions, upon the occasion of Cæsar's death, who had been killed by the conspirators, calling to mind this celebrated amnesty, proposed, after the example of the Athenians, to bury all that had passed in eternal oblivion,* Cardinal Mazarin observed to Don Louis de Haro, prime minister of Spain, that this gentle and humane conduct in France had prevented the troubles and revolts of that kingdom from having any fatal consequences, and "that the king had not, to this day, lost a foot of land by them;" whereas the inflexible severity of the Spaniards was the occasion, that the subjects of that monarchy, whenever they threw off the mask, never returned to their obedience but by the force of arms; which sufficiently appears," says he, " in the example of the Hollanders, who are in the peaceable possession of many provinces, that not a century ago were the patrimony of the king of Spain."

Diodorus Šiculus takes occasion, from the thirty tyrants of Athens, whose immoderate ambition induced them to treat their country with the most excessive cruelties, to observe how unfortunate it is for persons in power to want a sense of honour, and to disregard either the present opinion, or the judgment of posterity on their conduct. For, from the contempt of reputation, the transition is too common to that of virtue itself. They may perhaps, by the awe of their power, suppress for some time the public voice, and impose a forced silence upon censure; but the more constraint they lay upon it du ring their lives, the more liberal will it be after their deaths, of complaints and reproaches, and the more infamy and imputation will be affixed to their memories. The power of the thirty was of very short duration; their guilt immortal, which will be remembered with abhorrence throughout all ages; while their names will be recorded in history only to render them odious and to make their crimes detestable. He applies the same reflection to the Lacedæmonians, who, after having made themselves masters of Greece by a wise and moderate conduct, fell from that glory, through the severity, haughtiness, and injustice, with which they treated their allies. There is doubtless no reader, whom their abject and cruel jealousy in regard to Athens, enslaved and humbled, has not prejudiced against them; nor is there any resemblance in such behaviour, to the greatness of mind and noble generosity of ancient

* In ædem Telluris convocati sumus; in quo templo, quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamentum pacis; Atheniensumque renovavi vetus exemplum. Græcum etiam verbum (some believe that the word was dusia, but as it is not found in the historians who have treated this fact, it is more likely that it was un norma nov, which has the same sense, and is used by them all.) usurpavi, quod tum in sedandis discordi is userpaverat civitas illa; atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui, ---PL.lip. i. n. 1. Let. XV. of Card. Mazarin.

Cætera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam; nam contempta fama, contemni virtutes.-Quo magis socordiam corum irrideri libet, qui præsenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis ævi memoriam-suum cuique decus posteritas rependit.-Tacit. Annal, i. iv. c. 30, et 35

Sparta; so much power has the lust of dominion and prosperity over even virtuous men. Diodorus concludes his reflection with a maxim, very true, though very little known; "the greatness and majesty of princes," says he, (and the same may be said of all persons in high authority,)" can be supported only by humanity and justice with regard to their subjects; as, on the contrary, they are ruined and destroyed by a cruel and oppressive government, which never fails to draw upon them the hatred of their people."

SECTION III.-LYSANDER ABUSES HIS POWER in an extraORDINARY MANNER. HE IS RECALLED TO SPARTA.

As Lysander had the greatest share in the celebrated exploits which had raised the glory of the Lacedæmonians to so high a pitch; so he had acquired a degree of power and authority, of which there was no example before in Sparta; but he suffered himself to be carried away by a presumption and vanity still greater than his power. He permitted the Grecian cities to dedicate altars to him as to a god, and to offer sacrifices, and sing hymns and songs in honour of him. The Samians ordained a public decree, that the feasts celebrated in honour of Juno, and which bore the name of that goddess, should be called "the feast of Lysander." He had always a crowd of poets about him, (who are often a tribe of venal flatterers,) who emulated each other in singing his great exploits, for which they were magnificently paid. Praise is undoubtedly due to noble deeds, but diminishes their lustre when either forged or excessive.*

This sort of vanity or ambition, had he stopped there, would have hurt only himself, by exposing him to envy and contempt; but a natural consequence of it was, that through his arrogance and pride, in conjunction with the incessant flatteries of those around him, he carried the spirit of command and authority to an insupportable excess, and observed no longer any measures either in rewarding or punishing. The absolute government of cities with tyrannic power were the fruits of his friendship, and the ties of hospitality with him; and only the death of those he hated could put an end to his resentment and displeasure, without its being possible to escape his vengeance. What Sylla caused to be inscribed upon his tomb, might with equal propriety have been engraved upon Lysander's: "That no man had ever surpassed him in doing good to his friends, or evil to his enemies."

Treachery and perjury cost him nothing, whenever they promoted his designs; nor was he less cruel than revengeful, a sufficient proof of which is shown in his conduct at Miletus. Apprehending that those who were at the head of the people would escape him, he swore not to do them any harm. Those unfortunate men relied on his oath, but no sooner appeared in public, than they were put to the sword, with his consent, by the nobility, who killed them all, to the number of eight hundred. The number of those in the party of the people, whom he caused to be massacred in the other cities, is incredible; for he did not only destroy to satiate his own resentments, but to serve in all places the enmity, malice, and avarice of his friends, whom he supported in gratifying their passions by the death of their enemies.

There was no kind of injustice and violence which the people did not suffer under the government of Lysander; while the Lacedæmonians, who were sufficiently informed of his conduct, gave themselves no trouble to prevent its effects. It is too common for those in power to be little affected with the vexations and oppressions laid upon persons of low condition and credit, and to be deaf to their just complaints, though authority is principally confided in them for the defence of the weak and poor, who have no other protectors. But if such remonstrances are made by a great or powerful person, from whom they may have any thing to hope or fear, the same authority that was dilatory and indifferent, becomes immediately active and interested; a certain proof that

*Plut. in Lys. p. 443–445.

244

Never had tyranny been more cruel and bloody than that which the Athenians had lately thrown off. Every house was in mourning; every family bewailed the loss of some relation. It had been a series of public robbery and rapine, in which licence and impunity had authorized all manner of crimes. The people seemed to have a right to demand the blood of all accomplices, in such notorious malversations, and even the interest of the state seemed to authorize such a claim, that by exemplary severities such enormous crimes might be prevented for the future. But Thrasy bulus, rising above those sentiments, from the superiority of his more extensive genius, and the views of a more discerning and profound policy, foresaw, that by consenting to the punishment of the guilty, eternal seeds of discord and enmity would remain, to weaken the republic by domestic divisions, which it was necessary to unite against the common enemy, and occasion the loss to the state of a great number of citizens, who might render it important services even from the desire. of making amends for past misbehaviour.

Such conduct, after great troubles in a state, has always seemed, with the ablest politicians, the most certain and ready means to restore the public peace and tranquillity. Cicero, when Rome was divided into two factions, upon the occasion of Cæsar's death, who had been killed by the conspirators, calling to mind this celebrated amnesty, proposed, after the example of the Athenians, to bury all that had passed in eternal oblivion,* Cardinal Mazarin observed to Don Louis de Haro, prime minister of Spain, that this gentle and humane conduct in France had prevented the troubles and revolts of that kingdom from having any fatal consequences, and "that the king had not, to this day, lost a foot of land by them;" whereas the inflexible severity of the Spaniards was the occasion, that the subjects of that monarchy, whenever they threw off the mask, never returned to their obedience but by the force of arms; which sufficiently appears," says he," in the example of the Hollanders, who are in the peaceable possession of many provinces, that not a century ago were the patrimony of the king of Spain."

66

Diodorus Siculus takes occasion, from the thirty tyrants of Athens, whose immoderate ambition induced them to treat their country with the most excessive cruelties, to observe how unfortunate it is for persons in power to want a sense of honour, and to disregard either the present opinion, or the judgment of posterity on their conduct. For, from the contempt of reputation, the transition is too common to that of virtue itself. They may perhaps, by the awe of their power, suppress for some time the public voice, and impose a forced silence upon censure; but the more constraint they lay upon it during their lives, the more liberal will it be after their deaths, of complaints and reproaches, and the more infamy and imputation will be affixed to their memories. The power of the thirty was of very short duration; their guilt immortal, which will be remembered with abhorrence throughout all ages; while their names will be recorded in history only to render them odious and to make their crimes detestable. He applies the same reflection to the Lacedæmonians, who, after having made themselves masters of Greece by a wise and moderate conduct, fell from that glory, through the severity, haughtiness, and injustice, with which they treated their allies. There is doubtless no reader, whom their abject and cruel jealousy in regard to Athens, enslaved and humbled, has not prejudiced against them; nor is there any resemblance in such behaviour, to the greatness of mind and noble generosity of ancient

* In ædem Telluris convocati sumus; in quo templo, quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamentum pacis; Atheniensumque renovavi vetus exemplum. Græcum etiam verbum (some believe that the word was duesía. but as it is not found in the historians who have treated this fact, it is more likely that it was un μrnoixat xnov, which has the same sense, and is used by them all.) usurpavi, quod tum in sedandis discordiis usur paverat civitas illa; atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui.-Ph lip. i. n. 1. Let. XV. of Card. Mazarin.

Cætera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam ; nam contempta fama, contemni virtutes.-Quo magis socordiam eorum irrideri libet, qui præsenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis ævi memoriam-suum cuique decus posteritas rependit.-Tacit. Annak le iv. c. 30, et 35

245

Sparta; so much power has the lust of dominion and prosperity over even virtuous men. Diodorus concludes his reflection with a maxin, very true, though very little known; "the greatness and majesty of princes,” says he, (an the same may be said of all persons in high authority,)" can be supported only by humanity and justice with regard to their subjects; as, on the contrary, they are ruined and destroyed by a cruel and oppressive government, which never fails to draw upon them the hatred of their people.” SECTION III.-LYSANDER ABUSES HIS POWER IN AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER. HE IS RECALLED TO SPARTA.

As Lysander had the greatest share in the celebrated exploits which had rassed the glory of the Lacedæmonians to so high a pitch; so he had acquired a degree of power and authority, of which there was no example before in Sparta; but he suffered himself to be carried away by a presumption and vanity still greater than his power. He permitted the Grecian cities to dedicate altars to him as to a god, and to offer sacrifices, and sing hymns and songs in honour of him. The Samians ordained a public decree, that the feasts cele brated in honour of Juno, and which bore the name of that goddess, should be called "the feast of Lysander." He had always a crowd of poets about him, (who are often a tribe of venal flatterers,) who emulated each other in singing his great exploits, for which they were magnificently paid. Prane is undoubtedly due to noble deeds, but diminishes their lustre when either forged or excessive.*

This sort of vanity or ambition, had he stopped there, would have hurt only himself, by exposing him to envy and contempt; but a natural consequence of it was, that through his arrogance and pride, in conjunction with the incessant flattenes of those around him, he carried the spirit of command and authority to an insupportable excess, and observed no longer any measures either in rewarding or punishing. The absolute government of cities with tyrannic power were the fruits of his friendship, and the ties of hospitality with him; and only the death of those he hated could put an end to his resentment and displeasure, without its being possible to escape his vengeance. What Sylla caused to be mscribed upon his tomb, might with equal propriety have been engraved upon Lysander's: "That no man had ever surpassed him in doing good to his friends, or evil to his enemies."

Treachery and perjury cost him nothing, whenever they promoted his degs; nor was be less cruel than revengeful, a sufficient proof of which as shown in his conduct at Miletus. Apprehending that those who were at the head of the people would escape him, he swore not to do them any harm. Those unfortunate men relied on his oath, but no sooner appeared in public, than they were put to the sword, with his consent, by the nobility, who killed them all, to the number of eight hundred. The number of those in the party of the people, whom he caused to be massacred in the other cities, is incredible; for he did not only destroy to satiate his own resentments, but to serve in all places the enmity, malice, and avarice of his friends, whom he supported in gratifying their passions by the death of their enemies,

There was no kind of injustice and violence which the people did not suffer under the government of Lysander; while the Lacedæmonians, who were sufficently informed of his conduct, gave themselves no trouble to prevent its effects. It is too common for those in power to be little affected with the vexations and oppressions laid upon persons of low condition and credit, and to be deal to their just complaints, though authority is principally contided in them for the delence of the weak and poor, who have no other protectors. But af such remonstrances are made by a great or powertul person, trom whom they may have any thing to hope or tear, the same authority that was dilatory and xiderent, becomes immediately active and interested; a certain proof that

• Plut in Lys p 443–445

it is not the love of justice that actuates it. This appears in the conduct of the Lacedæmonian magistrates. Pharnabasus, weary of Lysander's repeated injustices, who ravaged and pillaged the provinces under his command, having sent ambassadors to Sparta, to complain of the wrongs he had received from that general, the ephori recalled him. Lysander was at that time in the Hellespont. The letter of the ephori threw him into great consternation. As he principally feared the complaints and accusations of Pharnabasus, he made all the haste he could to come to an explanation with him, from the hope of softening him, and making his peace. He went for that purpose to him, and desired, that he would write another letter to the ephori, intimating a satisfac tion in his conduct. "But Lysander," says Plutarch," in such an application to Pharnabasus, forgot the proverb.* The satrap promised all he desired; and accordingly wrote such a letter in Lysander's presence as he had asked of him, but prepared another to a quite different effect. When he was to seal it, as both letters were of the same size and form, he dexterously put that he had wrote in secret into the place of the other, without being observed, which he sealed and gave him."

Lysander departed well satisfied; and having arrived at Sparta, alighted at the place where the senate was assembled, and delivered the letter of Pharmabasus to the ephori. But he was strangely surpised when he heard the contents, and withdrew in extreme confusion and disorder. Some days after he returned to the senate, and told the ephori, that he was obliged to go to the temple of Ammon, to acquit himself of the sacrifices he had vowed to that god before his battles. That pilgrimage was no more than a pretence to cover the pain it gave him to live as a private person in Sparta, and to submit to the yoke of obeying; he who till then had always governed. Accustomed long to commanding armies, and to the flattering distinctions of a kind of sovereignty exercised by him in Asia, he could not endure the mortifying equality with the multitude, nor restrain himself to the simplicity of a private life. Having obtained permission, not without great difficulty, he embarked.

As soon as he was gone, the kings, reflecting that he held all the cities dependent on him, by means of the governors and magistrates established therein by him, to whom they were also indebted for their unlimited authority, and that he was thereby effectually lord and master of all Greece, applied themselves vigorously to restore the government of the people, and to depose all his crea tures and friends from any participation in it. This alteration occasioned great tumults at first. About the same time Lysander, being apprised of the design of Thrasybulus to establish the liberty of his country, returned with the utmost diligence to Sparta, and endeavoured to engage the Lacedæmonians to support the party of the nobility at Athens. We have before observed, that Pausanias, from a more noble spirit of equity and generosity, gave peace to Athens, and by that means, according to Plutarch, checked the ambition of Lysander.

CHAPTER II.

YOUNG CYRUS, WITH THE AID OF THE GRECIAN TROOPS, ENDEAVOURS TO DETHRONE HIS BROTHER ARTAXERXES. HE IS KILLED. FAMOUS RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND.

ANTIQUITY has few events so memorable, as those I am about to relate in this place. We see on one side a young prince, abounding otherwise with excellent qualities, abandoned to his violent ambition, carry the war from far against his brother and sovereign, and go to attack him almost in his own palace,

The Greek proverb is, Cretan against Cretan-from the people of Crete, who passed for the greatest cheats and liars in the world.