though, as authentic, and fairly representative of educational conditions in an age when corporal punishment was the ruling feature of the school. They were evidently framed for some Latin Grammar School of the time.

Imprimis, Whatsoever Boy comes to School past 7 o' th' Clock In the Morning In Summer time, and past 8 o' th' Clock In ye Winter time [without Shewing good reason] Shall receive 3 Lashes.

Item, Whosoever absents himself from School, Either by Truantry, by trying to stay at home, or otherwise; Shall incurr his Master's highest displeasure, Suffer the hissing and Scoffing of ye whole School, Tarry behind the Rest one hour at Night for a week, and besides [as a suitable Reward for his -] shall suffer 12 Lashes.

Item, Whatsoever Boy shall at any time Curse, Swear, or take the Lord's Name in vain, Shall assuredly suffer for such offence, 15 Lashes. Item, What Boy soever addicts himself to Obscene Talking or foolish Jesting, shall Suffer for each such Transgression.

Item, What Boy soever absents himself from the Service of Almighty God on the Sabbath day, and spends that Day in a wicked man'er In playing & running about, Shall receive 20 Lashes.

Item, Whosoever steals from or defrauds his School-fellow of Ink, Pens, Paper, Quills, or any Other Thing Whatsoever, Shall certainly, when found out and detected, receive 9 Lashes.

246. A New Jersey School Lottery

(Murray, David, History of Education in New Jersey, pp. 123-24. Washington, 1899) The lottery was a very common means, during the latter half of the eighteenth century and the first quarter of the nineteenth, for obtaining money to found or endow churches, colleges, and schools. The following advertisement, under date of July 2, 1753, to establish and maintain a school at Trenton, in New Jersey, is typical of these early means for raising money for a common school.

We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, sons of some of the principal families in and about Trenton, being in some measure sensible of the advantages of learning, and desirous that those who are deprived of it through the poverty of their parents might taste the sweetness of it with ourselves, can think of no better or other method for that purpose than the following scheme of a Delaware-Island lottery1 for raising 225 pieces of eight (Spanish dollars) toward building a house to accommo

1 Lotteries were at that time forbidden in New Jersey, and in order to evade the law they were held on Fish Island, in the river, and were termed Fish-Island, or Delaware-Island lotteries.

...

date an English and grammar school and paying a master to teach such children whose parents are unable to pay for schooling. It is proposed that the house be 30 feet long, 20 feet wide, and one story high, and built on the southeast corner of the meetinghouse yard in Trenton, under the direction of Messrs. Benjamin Yard, Alexander Chambers, and John Chambers, all of Trenton aforesaid. The managers are: . . . The drawing was to take place on Fish Island, in the river Delaware, opposite to the town of Trenton, and the money raised by this lottery shall be paid into the hands of Moore Furman, of Trenton, who is under bond for the faithful laying out the money for the uses above. And we, the managers, assure the adventurers, upon our honor, that this scheme in all its parts shall be as punctually observed as if we were under the formalities used in lotteries; and we flatter ourselves the public, considering our laudable design, our age, and our innocence, will give credit to this, our public declaration.

CHAPTER XIX

THE EIGHTEENTH A TRANSITION CENTURY

THE Readings of this chapter deal with the great transition movements which characterized the eighteenth century and made of it a transition century. They cover the political and religious conditions obtaining at the time; the attack on the ancient privileges of both Church and State; the liberalizing movements of the century; the demands for reform in France; the rise of democratic government in England and America; and the sweeping away of the old abuses in France. Only a few of the large number of possible Readings illustrative of eighteenth-century conditions are reproduced in this chapter.

The first (247) gives an interesting picture of the results of ecclesiastical despotism on a nation fast attaining a national consciousness, and contrasts well the outcome of larger religious freedom in England with the lack of it in France. The eighteenth century became one of open rebellion in France. In England reforms were granted, and the evolution in consequence was slower but more peaceful.

The outstanding intellectual genius of the eighteenth century was Voltaire. He attacked privilege in every direction, but particularly the privileges and abuses of the greatest and most powerful institution of his day the Church. He contributed many articles to the famous Encyclopédie edited by Diderot, and one of these, setting forth what he conceived to be the proper relations between Church and State, is here (248) reproduced.

The two extracts from the Social Contract of Rousseau (249 a-b) are given to show the nature of the warfare he declared on organized society, and also the fervid character of his reasoning. This book depicted so well the abuses of his age that it became "the Bible of the French Revolutionists."

The writings of Buckle represent extended research, and the selection reproduced (250) from his great history gives an interesting description of the eighteenth-century intellectual progress of the English people.

The Bill of Rights reproduced from the 1776 Pennsylvania

Constitution (251) is one of the shorter of these early documents, but compares fairly well with similar provisions incorporated into present-day constitutions. An interesting comparison may be made between this, the American Declaration of Independence of the same year, and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1791 (253).

The Cahier reproduced in part (252) represents one of the more conservative of these famous documents, and is interesting for the conception of education which it gives.

The final selection (253) reproduces the famous French "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen," a very influential document clearly modeled after Jefferson's famous Declaration.

247. Ecclesiastical Tyranny in France

(Dabney, R. H., Causes of the French Revolution, pp. 190-93. New York, 1888. By permission of the publishers, Henry Holt & Co.)

The following extract from a very interesting volume describes well conditions existing during the eighteenth century in France, and contrasts the situation there and the results with the larger religious freedom of England.

France had been brought by Louis XIV to the brink of ruin. Ecclesiastical tyranny had been exercised in England, it is true, as well as in France, and in every other country. But nothing had taken place in England in the seventeenth century which could at all bear comparison, for instance, with the frightful persecution of the Huguenots by Louis XIV. Of pauperism and misery among the lower classes there was also no lack in England. But the rich were taxed to support the paupers of their parish; they lived among them; and performed duties in return for their power. Bad as was the condition of the English masses, it could bear no comparison whatever with the abject misery of the French. The numerous bread-riots which broke out in various parts of France all during the eighteenth century were ominous signs of the inflammable state of the lower classes. They themselves were too grossly ignorant to organize a revolution; but when the educated and thinking men of the country had been driven by ecclesiastical and governmental tyranny into determined hostility to the existing social system, the Old Régime was doomed. For they found the downtrodden masses eager to be led against their oppressors. In England the condition of the lowest class was far from perfect; but the great body of the middle class was contented enough. The intellectual tyranny of the Established Church was sufficient, in a rationalistic age, to create among thinking men that anti-clerical movement which showed itself in

the formation of new sects, and in a literature hostile to the Christian religion. But it was not sufficient to drive the great body of the people into radical opposition.

In France, however, the abuses in the Church were at that time so great as to arouse the opposition of even the conservative classes. Hating the bishops and their privileges, men who, under free institutions, would probably have been on the side of religious conservatism, were eager to read the revolutionary literature that was directed, first, against the priests, and then against Christianity itself. Even the ignorant peasants, the most conservative class in religion, as in all things, were predisposed to hostility to the Church. For although their mental stage of development was far more likely to incline them to fetichism than to philosophic deism or atheism, they nevertheless hated at least the upper clergy on account of the tithes and other ecclesiastical taxes.

... Ecclesiastical tyranny in an age of rationalism produced the writings of Bolingbroke and Voltaire, and the eager reception of these writings by the French people was a symptom of the fatal rottenness of the French church. The literature of any age is, indeed, in the first instance, a symptom and a result of the intellectual tendencies of the age, and only secondarily a cause of them, in that it may accelerate and strengthen the movement by which it is itself produced. Probably no writer has ever exercised so great an influence upon his own age as Voltaire did upon his. But even when this has been said, it must be remembered that Voltaire was, after all, but a product of the intellectual tendencies of his day; and the secret of his prodigious success was that he gave utterance, in a style of wonderful clearness and classic simplicity, to the thoughts which, though less distinctly, were already in the minds of his readers. The old edifice of French society had become rotten from top to bottom, and therefore the strokes that were dealt it by the writers of the eighteenth century were sufficient to overturn it. But in England religious radicalism was confined to the intellectual classes; the broad base of society standing firm, because the condition. of the middle and lower classes was more favorable than in France.

In France, too, there was political as well as ecclesiastical tyranny; and about the middle of the century the French writers began to attack the State as well as the Church. In England, on the contrary, whatever occasional abuses there may have been, there was more political freedom than in any other country at that time. Since the expulsion of James II, in 1688, the country had ceased to be a monarchy except in name, and had become an aristocratic republic. Representative government in Parliament, local administration of justice in the counties, and other free institutions were safety-valves by which the steam of revolutionary ideas could gradually escape. In France, on the contrary, literature was the only such valve; and literature was ruthlessly