greater independence in literary men, and a greater boldness in literary inquiries. As long as books, either from the difficulty of their style, or from the general incuriosity of the people, found but few readers, it was evident that authors must rely upon the patronage of public bodies, or of rich and titled individuals. And, as men are always inclined to flatter those upon whom they are dependent, it too often happened that even our greatest writers prostituted their abilities, by fawning upon the prejudices of their patrons. The consequence was, that literature, so far from disturbing ancient superstitions, and stirring up the mind to new inquiries, frequently assumed a timid and subservient air, natural to its subordinate position. But now all this was changed. Those servile and shameful dedications; that mean and crouching spirit; that incessant homage to mere rank and birth; that constant confusion between power and right; that ignorant admiration for every thing which is old, and that still more ignorant contempt for every thing which is new; all these features gradually became fainter; and authors, relying upon the patronage of the people, began to advocate the claims of their new allies with a boldness upon which they could not have ventured in any previous age.

From all these things there resulted consequences of vast importance. From this simplification, independence, and diffusion of knowledge, it necessarily happened, that the issue of those great disputes to which I have alluded, became, in the eighteenth century, more generally known than would have been possible in any preceding century. It is now known that theological and political questions were being constantly agitated, in which genius and learning were on one side, and orthodoxy and tradition on the other. It became known that the points which were mooted, were not only as to the credibility of certain facts, but also as to the truth of general principles, with which the interests and happiness of Man were intimately concerned. Disputes which had hitherto been confined to a very small part of society, began to spread far and wide, and suggest doubts that served as materials for national thought. The consequence was, that the spirit of inquiry became every year more active, and more general; the desire for reform constantly increased; and if affairs had been allowed to run on in their natural course, the eighteenth century could not have passed away without decisive and salutary changes both in the church and the state.

251. The Bill of Rights of the Constitution of Pennsylvania (Constitution of Pennsylvania, framed in 1776. Poore, B. P., Federal and State Constitutions, vol. II, p. 1541. Washington, 1877)

Practically all the early state constitutions included a long Bill of Rights, and this often contained many of the items and statements of the Declaration of Independence. The following, from

the first Pennsylvania constitution, is one of the simplest of these Bills, and is illustrative of what they contained.

A Declaration of the Rights of the Inhabitants of the State of Pennsylvania

I. That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent, and inalienable rights, amongst which are, the enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.

II. That all men have a natural and inalienable right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences and understanding: And that no man ought or of right can be compelled to attend any religious worship, or to erect or support any place of worship, or maintain any ministry, contrary to, or against, his own free will and consent: Nor can any man, who acknowledges the being of a God, be justly deprived or abridged of any civil right as a citizen, on account of his religious sentiments or peculiar mode of religious worship: And that no authority can or ought to be vested in, or assumed by any power whatever, that shall in any case interfere with, or in any manner controul, the right of conscience in the free exercise of religious worship. III. That the people of this State have the sole, exclusive and inherent right of governing and regulating the internal police of the same. IV. That all power being originally inherent in, and consequently derived from, the people; therefore all officers of government, whether legislative or executive, are their trustees and servants, and at all times. accountable to them.

V. That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community; and not for the particular emolument or advantage of any single man, family, or sett of men, who are a part only of that community; And that the community hath an indubitable, unalienable and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish government in such manner as shall be by that community judged most conducive to the public weal. VI. That those who are employed in the legislative and executive business of the State, may be restrained from oppression, the people have a right, at such periods as they may think proper, to reduce their public officers to a private station, and supply the vacancies by certain and regular elections.

VII. That all elections ought to be free; and that all free men having a sufficient evident common interest with, and attachment to the community, have a right to elect officers, or be elected into office.

VIII. That every member of society hath a right to be protected in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property, and therefore is bound to contribute his proportion towards the expence of that protection, and yield his personal service when necessary, or an equivalent thereto: But no part of a man's property can be justly taken from him, or ap

plied to public uses, without his own consent, or that of his legal representatives: Nor can any man who is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, be justly compelled thereto, if he will pay such equivalent, nor are the people bound by any laws, but such as they have in like manner assented to, for their common good.

IX. That in all prosecutions for criminal offences, a man hath a right to be heard by himself and his council, to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses, to call for evidence in his favour, and a speedy public trial, by an impartial jury of the country, without the unanimous consent of which jury he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; nor can any man be justly deprived of his liberty except by the laws of the land, or the judgment of his peers.

X. That the people have a right to hold themselves, their houses, papers, and possessions free from search or seizure, and therefore warrants without oaths or affirmations first made, affording a sufficient foundation for them, and whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded or required to search suspected places, or to seize any person or persons, his or their property, not particularly described, are contrary to that right, and ought not to be granted.

XI. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, the parties have a right to trial by jury, which ought to be held sacred.

XII. That the people have a right to freedom of speech, and of writing, and publishing their sentiments; therefore the freedom of the press ought not to be restrained.

XIII. That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and the state; and as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be kept up; And that the military should be kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.

XIV. That a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles, and a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, industry, and frugality are absolutely necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty, and keep a government free: The people ought therefore to pay particular attention to these points in the choice of officers and representatives, and have a right to exact a due and constant regard to them, from their legislators and magistrates, in the making and executing such laws as are necessary for the good government of the state.

XV. That all men have a natural inherent right to emigrate from one state to another that will receive them, or to form a new state in vacant countries, or in such countries as they can purchase, whenever they think that thereby they may promote their own happiness.

XVI. That the people have a right to assemble together, to consult for their common good, to instruct their representatives, and to apply

to the legislature for redress of grievances, by address, petition, or remonstrance.

In later times, when framing constitutions, it became common to leave out much of the matter contained in the Declaration of Independence, and to make what was retained an introduction to the constitution. The following heading, taken from the present constitution of Ohio, is illustrative of what may to-day be found in nearly all our state constitutions:

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF OHIO

We, the people of the State of Ohio, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, to secure its blessings and promote our common welfare, do establish this constitution.

ARTICLE I

BILL OF RIGHTS

(Here follows a Bill of Rights of twenty Sections)

252. The Cahiers of 1789

(Archives Parlementaires, vol. II, pp. 373-78; trans. by Whitcomb)

When the States-General was summoned to meet, in 1789, it was to be composed of representatives of the three orders Clergy, Nobility, and the Third Estate. Each was to select its representatives, and to guide them se s of instructions, called cahiers, were drawn up in each locality. These were often long and detailed, and represented the wishes or grievances of each group. The following extract from the cahier of the clergy of Blois, digesting the first five divisions and reproducing the sixth, is interesting as revealing the nature of the clerical conception as to the need for and the character of the education that should be provided for the nation.

CAHIER OF THE CLERGY OF BLOIS

Containing the grievances of the order of the clergy of the bailliage of Blois and of the secondary bailliage of Remorantin.

This relates to the affairs of the Church, and deplores the extension of religious liberty to non-catholics and the growing freedom of the press.

SECOND DIVISION - CONSTITUTION

Does not see the need for constitutional reform; recognizes the right of the king to rule and to call the States-General; thinks this should meet

periodically, that each Order should vote separately, and that no action should be taken except by unanimous consent of all three Orders; that no tax should be laid without the consent of the nation; and that provincial assemblies should be re-created to provide for local government.

THIRD DIVISION - TAXES

The rights of the clergy as to taxation, ancient, but in future willing to bear their proper share; financial ministers should be responsible; and recommends the suppression of some of the most objectionable taxes.

FOURTH DIVISION JUSTICE

Various recommendations for the reform of the principal abuses and the simplification of legal procedure.

FIFTH DIVISION - THE NOBILITY; THE CHASE

Recommends curtailment of the abuse of the chase over the agricultural lands of peasants, and the establishment of regulations as to the keeping of certain kinds of game.

SIXTH DIVISION · EDUCATION

Impressed as we are with the great influence of public education upon the religion, morals and prosperity of the state, we beseech His Majesty to favor it with all his power. We desire:

1. That public instruction shall be absolutely gratuitous, as well in the universities as in the provincial schools;

2. That the provincial colleges shall be entrusted by preference to the corporations of the regular clergy;

3. That many corporations of the regular clergy, which at present are not occupied with the instruction of youth, shall apply themselves to this work, and thereby render themselves more useful to the state;

4. That in towns too small to support a college there shall be at least one or more masters, according to the importance of the place, who shall be able to teach the principles of Latinity or the humanities, and that their salaries shall be sufficient to allow of absolutely gratuitous instruction;

5. That this instruction shall be under the supervision of the parish priests and municipal officers;

6. That each candidate seeking permission to teach shall be obliged to produce proofs of correct life and habits, and to give evidence of his capacity in an examination before the principal and professors of the nearest college.

7. That masters of schools shall not employ as assistants persons from other localities, unless such persons shall have pursued the same vocation for at least two years in the place where they have studied,