ART. 51. The order of the Jesuits, and the societies affiliated with them, shall not be received into any part of Switzerland; and all action in church and school is forbidden to its members.

This prohibition may be extended also, by federal ordinance, to other religious orders, the action of which is dangerous to the state or disturbs the peace between sects.

ART. 52. The foundation of new convents or religious orders, and the reëstablishment of those which have been suppressed, are forbidden.

334. The Basic Documents for Japanese Education

66

(Baron D. Kikuchi, Article on Education in Japan"; in Monroe's Cyclopedia of Education, vol. III)

The following selections set forth well the spirit of Japanese popular education. The first (a) is the Preamble to the first Education Code of the Empire (1872). This provides for a twoclass type of educational system, though based on the very democratic principle of the equality of all in the lower school. The second (b) is a Rescript issued by the Mikado, in 1890, and forms the basis for the moral education of the people. A copy of this is to be found in every schoolroom in Japan, those in the public schools being actually signed by the Mikado himself. Based on this Rescript, textbooks on moral education have been prepared by a special commission, and the following instructions (c) to schools have been issued by the Ministry for Education. Two hours a week are given to moral instruction in all primary schools in Japan.

(a) Preamble to the Education Code of 1872

It is intended that henceforth universally without any distinction of class or sex, in a village there shall be no house without learning (education), and in a house no individual without learning. Fathers and elder brothers must take note of this intention, and, bringing up their children or younger brothers (or sisters) with warm feeling of love, must not fail to let them acquire learning. As for higher learning, that depends upon the capacity of individuals, but it shall be regarded as a neglect of duty on the part of fathers or elder brothers, should they fail to send young children to primary schools at least without distinction of sex.

(b) Imperial Rescript on Moral Education

Know ye, Our Subjects:

Our Imperial Ancestors have founded our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting, and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our

subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof: This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of our Education. Ye, Our Subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise, offer yourself courageously to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne, coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers.

The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you, Our subjects, that we may all attain to the same virtue.

The 30th day of the 10th month of the 23rd year of Meiji (October 30th, 1890).

Imperial Sign Manual, Imperial Seal.

(c) Instructions to Schools as to Lessons on Morals

The teaching of morals must be based on the Imperial Rescript on education, and its aim should be to cultivate the moral nature of children and to guide them in practices of virtue.

In the ordinary primary course, easy precepts appropriate for practice concerning such virtues as filial piety and obedience to elders, affection and friendship, frugality and industry, modesty, courage, etc., should be given, and then some of the duties toward the State and society, with a view to elevate their moral character, strengthen their will, increase their spirit of enterprise, make them value public virtues, and foster the spirit of loyalty and patriotism.

In the higher primary course, the above must be further extended and training given made still more solid.

In the teaching of girls, special stress must be laid on the virtues of chastity and modesty.

Encouragement and admonition should be given by means of wise sayings and proverbs and by tales of good deeds, so that children may lay them to heart.

335. The Transformation of China by Education

(Ping Wen Kuo, The Chinese System of Public Education, pp. 163–64.
New York, 1915)

The following brief statement as to the relation between education and national progress, as seen by a distinguished Chinese, is interesting also for the comparison made between ancient Chinese and European Renaissance learning.

The history of Chinese education forms an excellent example of the important relation of school training to national progress. For many centuries Chinese education was purely literary, philosophical in character. There was little that could be called concrete or practical in the modern sense of the word, neither was there anything requiring the knowledge of the experimental method or of inductive reasoning. Education strongly resembled the form of training which prevailed in Europe for two centuries after the revival of Greek learning. This peculiar quality of Chinese education produced a prodigious effect on the career of the nation. It accounts for the present comparatively backward condition of China, explaining why the country made little progress in the arts of modern life and in the modern sciences until the last decade.

Since her contact with the western nations, her educational system has undergone a radical change through the introduction of modern subjects of study and the education of many of her students in foreign. lands. The effect of this change upon her national life has been marvelous. It set the country on the high road of progress and reform. A great revolution, at once political, industrial, and social, is taking place under our very eyes. Educational reform in China now forms the very pivot around which all other reforms turn, for it is to education that China is looking for the men to steer the ship of state into the haven of safety. This close relationship between education and national progress should be an argument for the introduction of a more practical training in the public schools of China.

336. Education and National Prosperity

(Mann, Horace, Twelfth Annual Report, as Secretary of the Massachusetts State Board of Education. Boston, 1848)

Each year, Mr. Mann, in his Annual Report as Secretary, discussed some topic of general interest. In his Report for 1848 he chose the relation of education to national prosperity, and some of the paragraphs of this Report make good reading, even to-day. The following have been selected to show Mr. Mann's conception of the importance of education for national welfare.

A cardinal object which the government of Massachusetts, and all the influential men in the State, should propose to themselves, is the physical well-being of all the people, the sufficiency, comfort, competence, of every individual in regard to food, raiment, and shelter. And these necessaries and conveniences of life should be obtained by each individual for himself, or by each family for themselves, rather than accepted from the hand of charity or extorted by poor-laws. It is not averred that this most desirable result can, in all instances, be obtained; but it is, nevertheless, the end to be aimed at. True statesmanship and true political economy, not less than true philanthropy, present this perfect theory as the goal, to be more and more closely approximated by our imperfect practice. The desire to achieve such a result cannot be regarded as an unreasonable ambition; for, though all mankind were well fed, well clothed, and well housed, they might still be but half civilized.

According to the European theory, men are divided into classes, some to toil and earn, others to seize and enjoy. According to the Massachusetts theory, all are to have an equal chance for earning, and equal security in the enjoyment of what they earn. The latter tends to equality of condition; the former, to the grossest inequalities. Tried by any Christian standard of morals, or even by any of the better sort of heathen standards, can any one hesitate, for a moment, in declaring which of the two will produce the greater amount of human welfare, and which, therefore, is the more conformable to the divine will? The European theory is blind to what constitutes the highest glory as well as the highest duty of a State.

Our ambition as a State should trace itself to a different origin, and propose to itself a different object. Its flame should be lighted at the skies. Its radiance and its warmth should reach the darkest and the coldest abodes of men. It should seek the solution of such problems as these: To what extent can competence displace pauperism? How nearly can we free ourselves from the low-minded and the vicious, not by their expatriation, but by their elevation? To what extent can the resources and powers of Nature be converted into human welfare, the peaceful arts of life be advanced, and the vast treasures of human talent and genius be developed? How much of suffering, in all its forms, can be relieved? or, what is better than relief, how much can be prevented? Cannot the classes of crimes be lessened, and the number of criminals in each class be diminished?

Now two or three things will doubtless be admitted to be true, beyond all controversy, in regard to Massachusetts. By its industrial condition, and its business operations, it is exposed, far beyond any other State in the Union, to the fatal extremes of overgrown wealth

and desperate poverty. Its population is far more dense than that of any other State. It is four or five times more dense than the average of all the other States taken together; and density of population has always been one of the proximate causes of social inequality. According to population and territorial extent there is far more capital in Massachusetts - capital which is movable, and instantaneously available than in any other State in the Union; and probably both these qualifications respecting population and territory could be omitted without endangering the truth of the assertion.

Now surely nothing but universal education can counterwork this tendency to the domination of capital and the servility of labor. If one class possesses all the wealth and the education, while the residue of society is ignorant and poor, it matters not by what name the relation between them may be called: the latter, in fact and in truth, will be the servile dependants and subjects of the former. But, if education be equably diffused, it will draw property after it by the strongest of all attractions; for such a thing never did happen, and never can happen, as that an intelligent and practical body of men should be permanently poor. Property and labor in different classes are essentially antagonistic; but property and labor in the same class are essentially fraternal. The people of Massachusetts have, in some degree, appreciated the truth that the unexampled prosperity of the State-its comfort, its competence, its general intelligence and virtue is attributable to the education, more or less perfect, which all its people havereceived; but are they sensible of a fact equally important, namely, that it is to this same education that two-thirds of the people are indebted for not being to-day the vassals of as severe a tyranny, in the form of capital, as the lower classes of Europe are bound to in the form of brute force?

Education, then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is the great equalizer of the conditions of men, the balance-wheel of the social machinery. I do not here mean that it so elevates the moral nature as to make men disdain and abhor the oppression of their fellowmen. This idea pertains to another of its attributes. But I mean that it gives each man the independence and the means by which he can resist the selfishness of other men. It does better than to disarm the poor of their hostility towards the rich: it prevents being poor. Agrarianism is the revenge of poverty against wealth. The wanton destruction of the property of others — the burning of hay-ricks and cornricks, the demolition of machinery because it supersedes hand-labor, the sprinkling of vitriol on rich dresses - is only agrarianism run mad. Education prevents both the revenge and the madness. On the other hand, a fellow-feeling for one's class or caste is the common instinct of hearts not wholly sunk in selfish regards for person or for family. The