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emperor in that posture of supplication. The object of this into the midst of the area, and endeavored to separate the self-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the per- combatants. The prætor Alypius, a person incredibly atpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Ro-tached to these games, gave instant orders to the gladiators man conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols to slay him; and Telemachus gained the crown of martyrattached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the dom, and the title of saint, which surely has never either whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the Nemesis before or since been awarded for a more noble exploit. of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above Honorius immediately abolished the shows, which were never statue pass for that of Belisarius; and until the criticism of afterwards revived. The story is told by Theodoret# and Winkelmann* had rectified the mistake, one fiction was Cassiodorus,88 and seems worthy of credit, notwithstanding called in to support another. It was the same fear of the its place in the Roman martyrology. Besides the torrents sudden termination of prosperity that made Amasis king of of blood which flowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, Egypt warn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the gods the circus, the forums, and other public places, gladiators loved those whose lives were checkered with good and evil were introduced at feasts, and tore each other to pieces fortunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait particularly amidst the supper tables, to the great delight and applause for the prudent; that is, for those whose caution rendered of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the them accessible only to mere accidents: and her first altar loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to was raised on the banks of the Phrygian Æsepus by Adrastus, be nearly connected with the abolition of these bloody specprobably the prince of that name who killed the son of tacles. Cræsus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea.t The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august: there was a temple to her in the Palatine under the name of Rhamnusia: so great, indeed, was the propensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to believe in the divinity of Fortune, that in the same Palatine there was a temple to the Fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart; and, from concentrating in one object the credulity so natural to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this goddess to be synonymous with Fortune and with Fate: but it was in her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under the name of Nemesis.

NOTE 37.

See page 45. Stanza cxli.
GLADIATORS.

Of

"he, their sire, Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday." Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary; and were supplied from several conditions;-from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits; from barbarian captives either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, or those seized and condemned as rebels; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorati), others from a depraved ambition; at last even knights and senators were exhibited,-a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity prohibited by Severus. these the most to be pitied undoubtedly were the barbarian captives; and to this species a Christian writer justly applies the epithet "innocent," to distinguish them from the professional gladiators. Aurelian and Claudius supplied great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one after his triumph, and the other on a pretext of a rebellion. No war, says Lipsius,** was ever so destructive to the human race as these sports. In spite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gladiatorial shows survived the old established religion more than seventy years; but they owed their final extinction to the courage of a Christian. In the year 404, on the kalends of January, they were exhibiting the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre before the usual immense concourse of people. Almachius, or Telemachus, an eastern monk, who had travelled to Rome intent on his holy purpose, rushed

* Storia delle Arti, etc., lib. xii., cap. iii., tom. ii., p. 422.
+ Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea.
Fortunæ hujusci diei.

Cicero mentions her, de Legib., lib. ii.

DEAE NEMESI
SIVE FORTUNAE

PISTORIVS

RVGIANVS

V. C. LEGAT.

LEG. XIII. G.
CORD.

See Questiones Romanæ, etc., ap. Græv. Antiq. Roman., tom. v., p. 942. See also Muratori, Nov. Thesaur. Inscrip. Vet., tom. i., pp. 88, 89, where there are three Latin and one Greek inscription to Nemesis, and others to Fate.

NOTE 38.

See page 45. Stanza cxlii.

"Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd."

When one gladiator wounded another, he shouted, "he has it," "hoc habet," or "habet." The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, and, advancing to the edge of the arena, supplicated the spectators. If he had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwise, or as they happened to be inclined. they turned down their thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionally so savage that they were impatient if a combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence gencrally saved the vanquished; and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's ferocity, that be sent those who supplicated him for life, in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask the people; in other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The magistrate presides; and after the horsemen and piccadores have fought the bull, the matadore steps forward and bows to him for permission to kill the animal. If the bull has done his duty by killing two or three horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people interfere with shouts, the ladies wave their handkerchiefs, and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the horses are accompanied with the loudest acclamations, and many gestures of delight, especially from the female portion of the audience, including those of the gentlest blood. Every thing depends on habit. The author of Childe Harold, the writer of this note, and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly in other days borne the sight of a pitched battle, were, during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at the great amphitheatre of Santa Maria, opposite to Cadiz. The death of one or two horses completely satisfied their curiosity. A gentleman present, observing them shudder and look pale, noticed that unusual reception of so delightful a sport to some young ladies, who stared and smiled, and continued their applause as another horse fell bleeding to the ground. One bull killed three horses off his own horns. He was saved by acclamations, which were redoubled when it was known he belonged to a priest.

An Englishman, who can be much pleased with seeing two men beat themselves to pieces, cannot bear to look at a horse galloping round an arena with his bowels trailing on the ground, and turns from the spectacle and the spectators with horror and disgust.

Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.

Tertullian, "certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores in fudum veniunt, et voluptatis publicæ hostiæ fiant." Just. Lips. Saturn. Sermon., lib. ii., cap. iii.

¶ Vopiscus, in Vit. Aurel. and in Vit. Claud., ibid.

** Just. Lips., ibid., lib. i., cap. xii.

Augustinus (lib. vi., confess., cap. viii.), " Alypium suum gladiatorii spectaculi inhiatu incredibiliter abreptum," scribit., ib., lib. i, cap. xii.

Hist. Eccles., cap. xxvi., lib. v.

Cassiod. Tripartita, l. x., c. xi. Saturn., ib., ib.

|| Baronius, ad ann. et in notis ad Martyrol. Rom. I. Jan. See Marangon delle memorie sacre e profane dell' Anfiteatro Flavio, p. 25, edit. 1746.

NOTE 39.

See page 48. Stanza clxxiv.

THE ALBAN HILL.

"and afar

The Tiber winds, and the broad ocean laves

The Latian coast," etc.

The whole declivity of the Alban hill is of unrivalled beauty, and from the convent on the highest point, which has succeeded to the temple of the Latian Jupiter, the prospect embraces all the objects alluded to in the cited stanza; the Mediterranean, the whole scene of the latter half of the Eneid, and the coast from beyond the mouth of the Tiber to the headland of Circæum and the Cape of Terracina.

The site of Cicero's villa may be supposed either at the Grotta Ferrata, or at the Tusculum of Prince Lucien Buonaparte.

The former was thought some years ago the actual site, as may be seen from Myddleton's Life of Cicero. At present it has lost something of its credit, except for the Domenichinos. Nine monks of the Greek order live there, and the adjoining villa is a cardinal's summer-house. The other villa, called Rufinella, is on the summit of the hill above Frascati, and many rich remains of Tusculum have been found there, besides seventy-two statues of different merit and preservation, and seven busts.

From the same eminence are seen the Sabine hills, embosomed in which lies the long valley of Rustica. There are several circumstances which tend to establish the identity of this valley with the " Ustica" of Horace; and it seems possible that the mosaic pavement which the peasants uncover by throwing up the earth of a vineyard may belong to his villa. Rustica is pronounced short, not according to our stress upon - Ustica cubantis."-It is more rational to think that we are wrong, than that the inhabitants of this secluded valley have changed their tone in this word. The addition of the consonant prefixed is nothing; yet it is necessary to be aware that Rustica may be a modern name which the peasants may have caught from the antiquaries.

hills into a tank, or mill-dam, and thence trickles over into the Digentia.

But we must not hope

"To trace the Muses upwards to their spring,"

by exploring the windings of the romatic valley in search of the Bandusian fountain. It seems strange that any one should have thought Bandusia a fountain of the Digentia.Horace has not let drop a word of it; and this immortal spring has in fact been discovered in possession of the holders of many good things in Italy, the monks. It was attached to the church of Saint Gervais and Portais near Venusia, where it was most likely to be found.* We shall not be so lucky as a late traveller in finding the occasional pine still pendent on the poetic villa. There is not a pine in the whole valley, but there are two cypresses, which he evidently took, or mistook, for the tree in the ode. The truth is, that the pine is now, as it was in the days of Virgil, a garden tree, and it was not at all likely to be found in the craggy acclivities of the valley of Rustica. Horace probably had one of them in the orchard close above his farm, immediately overshadowing his villa, not on the rocky heights at some distance from his abode. The tourist may have easily supposed himself to have seen this pine figured in the above cypresses; for the orange and lemon trees which throw such a bloom over his description of the royal gardens at Naples, unless they have been since displaced, were assuredly only acacias and other common garden shrubs. +

NOTE 40.

See page 49.

EUSTACE'S CLASSICAL TOUR.

The extreme disappointment experienced by choosing the Classical Tourist as a guide in Italy must be allowed to find vent in a few observations, which, it is asserted without fear of contradiction, will be confirmed by every one who has se

author is in fact one of the most inaccurate, unsatisfactory writers that have in our times attained a temporary reputation, and is very seldom to be trusted even when he speaks of objects which he must be presumed to have seen. His errors, from the simple exaggeration to the downright misstatement, are so frequent as to induce a suspicion that he had either never visited the spots described, or had trusted to the fidelity of former writers. Indeed, the Classical Tour has every characteristic of a mere compilation of former notices, strung together upon a very slender thread of personal observation, and swelled out by those decorations which are so easily supplied by a systematic adoption of all the commonplaces of praise, applied to everything, and therefore signifying nothing.

The villa, or the mosaic, is in a vineyard on a knoll, cov-lected the same conductor through the same country. This ered with chestnut trees. A stream runs down the valley; and although it is not true, as said in the guide books, that this stream is called Licenza, yet there is a village on a rock at the head of the valley which is so denominated, and which may have taken its name from the Digentia. Licenza contains seven hundred inhabitants. On a peak a little way beyond is Civitella, containing three hundred. On the banks of the Anio, a little before you turn up into Valle Rustica, to the left, about an hour from the villa, is a town called Vicovaro, another favorable coincidence with the Varia of the poet. At the end of the valley, towards the Anio, there is a bare hill, crowned with a little town called Bardela. At the foot of this hill the rivulet of Licenza flows, and is almost absorbed in a wide sandy bed before it reaches the Anio. Nothing can be more fortunate for the lines of the poet, whether in a metaphorical or direct sense:

"Me quotiens reficit gelidus Digentia rivus, Quem Mandela bibit rugosus frigore pagus." The stream is clear high up the valley, but before it reaches the hill of Bardela looks green and yellow, like a sulphur

rivulet.

Rocca Giovane, a ruined village in the hills, half an hour's walk from the vineyard where the pavement is shown, does seem to be the site of the fane of Vacuna, and an inscription found there tells that this temple of the Sabine Victory was repaired by Vespasian. With these helps, and a position corresponding exactly to everything which the poet has told us of his retreat, we may feel tolerably secure of our site.

The hill which should be Lucretilis is called Campanile, and by following up the rivulet to the pretended Bandusia, you come to the roots of the higher mountain Gennaro. Singularly enough, the only spot of ploughed land in the whole valley is on the knoll where this Bandusia rises.

".... tu frigus amabile
Fessis vomere tauris
Præbes, et pecori vago."

The peasants show another spring near the mosaic pavement which they call "Oradina," and which flows down the

* See Historical Illustrations of the Fourth Canto, p. 43.

† See Classical Tour, etc., chap. vii., p. 250, vol. ii.
Under our windows, and bordering on the beach, is the royal

The style which one person thinks cloggy and cumbrous, and unsuitable, may be the taste of others, and such may experience some salutary excitement in ploughing through the periods of the Classical Tour. It must be said, however, that polish and weight are apt to beget an expectation of value. It is amongst the pains of the damned to toil up a climax with a huge round stone.

The tourist had the choice of his words, but there was no such latitude allowed to that of his sentiments. The love of virtue and of liberty, which must have distinguished the character, certainly adorns the pages of Mr. Eustace; and the gentlemanly spirit, so recommendatory either in an author or his productions, is very conspicuous throughout the Classical Tour. But these generous qualities are the foliage of such a performance, and may be spread about it so prominently and profusely as to embarrass those who wish to

see and find the fruit at hand. The unction of the divine, and the exhortations of the moralist, may have made this work something more and better than a book of travels, but they have not made it a book of travels; and this observation applies more especially to that enticing method of instruction conveyed by the perpetual introduction of the same Gallic Helot to reel and bluster before the rising generation, and terrify it into decency by the display of all the excesses of the revolution. An animosity against atheists and regi

garden, laid out in parterres, and walks shaded by rows of orange trees." Classical Tour, etc., chap. xi., vol. ii., oct. 365.

cides in general, and Frenchmen specifically, may be honorable, and may be useful as a record; but that antidote should either be administered in any work rather than a tour, or at least should be served up apart, and not so mixed with the whole mass of information and reflection as to give a bitterness to every page; for who would choose to have the antipathies of any man, however just, for his travelling companions? A tourist, unless he aspires to the credit of prophecy, is not answerable for the changes which may take place in the country which he describes; but his reader may very fairly esteem all his political portraits and deductions as so much waste paper the moment they cease to assist, and more particularly if they obstruct, his actual survey.

the enterprise against the pirates of Barrataria; but few. believe, were informed of the situation, history, or nature of that establishment. For the information of such as were unacquainted with it, we have procured from a friend the following interesting narrative of the main facts, of which be has personal knowledge, and which cannot fail to interest some of our readers. Barrataria is a bay, or a narrow ar of the Gulf of Mexico; it runs through a rich but very ist country, until it reaches within a mile of the Mississippi river, fifteen miles below the city of New Orleans. The bay has branches almost innumerable, in which persons can lie concealed from the severest scrutiny. It communicates with three lakes which lie on the southwest side, and these, with the lake of the same name, and which lies contiguous to the sea, where there is an island formed by the two arms of this lake and the sea. The east and west points of this island were fortified, in the year 1811, by a band of pirates, under the command of one Monsieur La Fitte. A large majority of these outlaws are of that class of the population of the State of Louisiana who fled from the island of St. Domingo during the troubles there, and took refuge in the island of Cuba; and when the last war between France and Spain commenced, they were compelled to leave that island with the short notice of a few days. Without ceremony, they entered the United States, the most of them the State of Looisiana, with all the negroes they had possessed in Cuba. They were notified by the governor of that State of the clause in the constitution which forbade the importation of slaves; but, at the same time, received the assurance of the governor that he would obtain, if possible, the approbation of the gen

Neither encomium nor accusation of any government, or governors, is meant to be here offered; but it is stated as an incontrovertible fact, that the change operated, either by the address of the late imperial system, or by the disappointment of every expectation by those who have succeeded to the Italian thrones, has been so considerable, and is so apparent, as not only to put Mr. Eustace's antigallican philippics entirely out of date, but even to throw some suspicion upon the competency and candor of the author himself. A remarkable example may be found in the instance of Bologna, over whose papal attachments, and consequent desolation, the tourist pours forth such strains of condolence and revenge, made louder by the borrowed trumpet of Mr. Burke. Now Bologna is at this moment, and has been for some years, notorious amongst the states of Italy for its attachment to revolutionary principles, and was almost the only city which made any demonstrations in favor of the unfortunate Murat. This change may, however, have been made since Mr. Eus-eral government for their retaining this property. The tace visited this country; but the traveller whom he has thrilled with horror at the projected stripping of the copper from the cupola of Saint Peter's must be much relieved to find that sacrilege out of the power of the French, or any other plunderers, the cupola being covered with lead.*

If the conspiring voice of otherwise rival critics had not given considerable currency to the Classical Tour, it would have been unnecessary to warn the reader that, however it may adorn his library, it will be of little or no service to him in his carriage; and if the judgment of those critics had hitherto been suspended, no attempt would have been made to anticipate their decision. As it is, those who stand in the relation of posterity to Mr. Eustace may be permitted to appeal from contemporary praises, and are perhaps more likely to be just in proportion as the causes of love and hatred are the farther removed. This appeal had, in some measure, been made before the above remarks were written: for one of the most respectable of the Florentine publishers, who had been persuaded by the repeated inquiries of those on their journey southwards to reprint a cheap edition of the Classical Tour, was, by the concurring advice of returning travellers, induced to abandon his design, although he had already arranged his types and paper, and had struck off one or two of the first sheets.

island of Barrataria is situated about lat. 29 deg. 15 min., lot. 92.30; and is as remarkable for its health as for the superior scale and shell fish with which its waters abound. The chief of this horde, like Charles de Moor, had mixed with his many vices some virtues. In the year 1813, this party bad, from its turpitude and boldness, claimed the attention of the governer of Louisiana; and to break up the establishment, he thought proper to strike at the head. He therefore offered a reward of $500 for the head of Monsieur La Fitte, who was wel known to the inhabitants of the city of New Orleans, from his immediate connection, and his once having been a fencing-master in that city of great reputation, which art be learnt in Buonaparte's army, where he was a captain. The reward which was offered by the governor for the head of La Fitte was answered by the offer of a reward from the latter of $15,000 for the head of the governor. The governor ordered out a company to march from the city to La Fitte's island, and to burn and destroy all the property, and to bring to the city of New Orleans all his banditti. This company, under the command of a man who had been the intimate associate of this bold captain, approached very near to the fortified island, before he saw a man, or heard a sound, until he heard a whistle, not unlike a boatswain's call. Then it was he found himself surrounded by armed men who had

The writer of these notes would wish to part (like Mr. Gib-emerged from the secret avenues which led into Bayou. bon) on good terms with the pope and the cardinals, but he does not think it necessary to extend the same discreet silence to their humble partisans.

The Corsain.

NOTE 41.

See page 87. Stanza xxiv.

"He left a Corsair's name to other times, Link'd with one virtue, and a thousand crimes." That the point of honor which is represented in one instance of Conrad's character has not been carried beyond the bounds of probability, may perhaps be in some degree confirmed by the following anecdote of a brother buccaneer in the year 1814:-"Our readers have all seen the account of

"What, then, will be the astonishment, or rather the horror, of my reader, when I inform him...... the French committee turned Its attention to Saint Peter's, and employed a company of Jews to estimate and purchase the gold, silver, and bronze that adorn the

Here it was that the modern Charles de Moor developed his few noble traits; for to this man who had come to destroy his life and all that was dear to him, he not only spared his life, but offered him that which would have made the honest soldier easy for the remainder of his days; which was indignantly refused. He then, with the approbation of his captor, returned to the city. This circumstance, and some concomitant events, proved that this band of pirates was not to be taken by land. Our naval force having always been small in that quarter, exertions for the destruction of this illicit establishment could not be expected from them until augmented; for an officer of the navy, with most of the gunboats on that station, had to retreat from an overwhelming force of La Fitte's. So soon as the augmentation of the navy authorized an attack, one was made; the overthrow of this banditti has been the result; and now this almost invulnerable point and key to New Orleans is clear of an enemy, it is to be hoped the government will hold it by a strong military force."-American Newspaper.

In Noble's continuation of Granger's Biographical History there is a singular passage in his account of Archbishop Blackbourne; and as in some measure connected with the profession of the hero of the foregoing poem, I cannot resist the temptation of extracting it. "There is something mys

inside of the edifice, as well as the copper that covers the vaults and the dome on the outside." Classical Tour, chap. iv., p. 130, vol. il The story about the Jews is positively denied at Rome.

terious in the history and character of Dr. Blackbourne. The former is but imperfectly known; and report has even asserted he was a buccaneer; and that one of his brethren in that profession having asked, on his arrival in England, what had become of his old chum, Blackbourne, was answered, He is Archbishop of York. We are informed that Blackbourne was installed sub-dean of Exeter in 1694, which office he resigned in 1702; but after his successor Lewis Barnet's death, in 1704, he regained it. In the following year he became dean, and in 1714, held with it the archdeanery of Cornwall. He was consecrated bishop of Exeter, February 24, 1716; and translated to York, November 28, 1724, as a reward, according to court scandal, for uniting George I. to the Duchess of Munster. This, however, appears to have been an unfounded calumny. As archbishop he behaved with great prudence, and was equally respectable as the guardian of the revenues of the see. Ruinor whispered he retained the vices of his youth, and that a passion for the fair sex formed an item in the list of his weaknesses; but so far from being convicted by seventy witnesses, he does not appear to have been directly criminated by one. In short, I look upon these aspersions as the effects of mere malice. How is it possible a buccaneer should have been so good a scholar as Blackbourne certainly was? He who had so perfect a knowledge of the classics (particularly of the Greek tragedians), as to be able to read them with the same ease as he could Shakspeare, must have taken great pains to acquire the learned languages; and have had both leisure and good masters. But he was undoubtedly educated at Christ Church College, Oxford. He is allowed to have been a pleasant man; this, however, was turned against him by its being said, 'he gained more hearts than souls.'"'

"The only voice that could soothe the passions of the savage (Alphonso III.) was that of an amiable and virtuous wife, the sole object of his love; the voice of Donna Isabella, the daughter of the Duke of Savoy, and the granddaughter of Philip II., King of Spain. Her dying words sunk deep into his memory; his fierce spirit melted into tears; and after the last embrace, Alphonso retired into his chamber to bewail his irreparable loss, and to meditate on the vanity of human life."-Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol. iii., p. 473.

Lara.

NOTE 42.

See page 97. Stanza xxiv.

He heard a tramp-a horse and horseman broke
From out the wood-before him was a cloak
Wrapt round some burthen at his saddle-bow."

The event in this section was suggested by the description of the death, or rather burial, of the Duke of Gandia. The most interesting and particular account of it is given by Burchard, and is in substance as follows:-"On the eighth day of June, the Cardinal of Valenza and the Duke of Gandia, sons of the pope, supped with their mother, Vanozza, near the church of S. Pietro ad vincula; several other persons being present at the entertainment. A late hour approaching, and the cardinal having reminded his brother that it was time to return to the apostolic palace, they mounted their horses or mules, with only a few attendants, and proceeded together as far as the palace of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, when the duke informed the cardinal that, before he returned home, he had to pay a visit of pleasure. Dismissing therefore all his attendants, excepting his staffiero, or footman, and a person in a mask, who had paid him a visit whilst at supper, and who, during the space of a month or thereabouts, previous to this time, had called upon him almost daily, at the apostolic palace, he took this person behind him on his mule, and proceeded to the street of the Jews, where he quitted his servant, directing him to remain there until a certain hour; when, if he did not return, he might repair to the palace. The duke then seated the person in the mask behind him, and rode, I know not whither; but in that night he was assassinated, and thrown into the river.

* Mr. Francis Cohen, now Sir Francis Palgrave, K. H., the learned author of the "Rise and Progress of the English Constitution," "History of the Anglo-Saxons," etc., etc.

The servant, after having been dismissed, was also assaulted and mortally wounded; and although he was attended with great care, yet such was his situation, that he could give no intelligible account of what had befallen his master. In the morning, the duke not having returned to the palace, his servants began to be alarmed; and one of them informed the pontiff of the evening excursion of his sons, and that the duke had not yet made his appearance. This gave the pope no small anxiety; but he conjectured that the duke had been attracted by some courtesan to pass the night with her, and, not choosing to quit the house in open day, had waited till the following evening to return home. When, however, the evening arrived, and he found himself disappointed in his expectations, he became deeply afflicted, and began to make inquiries from different persons, whom he ordered to attend him for that purpose. Amongst these was a man named Giorgio Schiavoni, who, having discharged some timber from a bark in the river, had remained on board the vessel to watch it; and being interrogated whether he had seen any one thrown into the river on the night preceding, he replied, that he saw two men on foot, who came down the street, and looked diligently about, to observe whether any person was passing. That seeing no one, they returned, and a short time afterwards two others came, and looked around in the same manner as the former; no person still appearing, they gave a sign to their companions, when a man came, mounted on a white horse, having behind him a dead body, the head and arms of which hung on one side, and the feet on the other side of the horse; the two persons on foot supporting the body, to prevent its falling. They thus proceeded towards that part, where the filth of the city is usually discharged into the river, and turning the horse, with his tail towards the water, the two persons took the dead body by the arms and feet, and with all their strength flung it into the river. The person on horseback then asked if they had thrown it in; to which they replied Signor, sì (yes, sir). He then looked towards the river, and seeing a mantle floating on the stream, he inquired what it was that appeared black, to which they answered, it was a mantle; and one of them threw stones upon it, in consequence of which it sunk. The attendants upon the pontiff then inquired from Giorgio, why he had not revealed this to the governor of the city; to which he replied, that he had seen in his time a hundred dead bodies thrown into the river at the same place, without any inquiry being made respecting them; and that he had not, therefore, considered it as a matter of any importance. The fishermen and seamen were then collected, and ordered to search the river, where, on the following evening, they found the body of the duke, with his habit entire, and thirty ducats in his purse. He was pierced with nine wounds, one of which was in his throat, the others in his head, body, and limbs. No sooner was the pontiff informed of the death of his son, and that he had been thrown, like filth, into the river, than, giving way to his grief, he shut himself up in a chamber, and wept bitterly. The Cardinal of Segovia, and other attendants of the pope, went to the door, and after many hours spent in persuasions and exhortations, prevailed upon him to admit them. From the evening of Wednesday till the fol lowing Saturday the pope took no food; nor did he sleep from Thursday morning till the same hour on the ensuing day. At length, however, giving way to the entreaties of his attendants, he began to restrain his sorrow, and to consider the injury which his own health might sustain, by the further indulgence of his grief."-Roscoe's Leo the Tenth.

Marino Faliero.

NOTE 43.

See page 154.

[I am obliged for the following excellent translation of the old Chronicle to Mr. F. Cohen,* to whom the reader will find himself indebted for a version that I could not myselfthough after many years' intercourse with Italian-have given by any means so purely and so faithfully.+]

In a letter to Mr. Murray, dated Ravenna, July 30, 1821, Lord Byron says:-"Enclosed is the best account of the doge Faliero, which was only sent to me, from an old MS., the other day. Get it

STORY OF MARINO FALIERO, DOGE XLIX.

MCCCLIV.

be brought about that the cause of such effect must happen, it therefore came to pass that on the very day after senter.ee had been pronounced on Ser Michele Steno, being the first day of Lent, a gentleman of the house of Barbaro, a choleric gentleman, went to the arsenal, and required certain things of the masters of the galleys. This he did in the presence of the admiral of the arsenal, and he, hearing the request, an

On the 11th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1354, Marino Faliero was elected and chosen to be the duke of the Commonwealth of Venice. He was Count of Valdemarino, in the marches of Treviso, and a knight, and a wealthy man to boot. As soon as the election was completed, it was re-swered,-No, it cannot be done. High words arose between solved in the Great Council, that a deputation of twelve should be despatched to Marino Faliero the duke, who was then on his way from Rome; for when he was chosen, he was ambassador at the court of the holy father, at Rome,-the holy father himself held his court at Avignon. When Messer Marino Faliero the duke was about to land in this city, on the 5th day of October, 1354, a thick haze came on, and darkened the air: and he was enforced to land on the place of Saint Mark, between the two columns, on the spot where evil-doers are put to death; and all thought that this was the worst of tokens.-Nor must I forget to write that which I have read in a chronicle. When Messer Marino Faliero was podesta and captain of Treviso, the bishop delayed coming in with the holy sacrament, on a day when a procession was to take place. Now, the said Marino Faliero was so very proud and wrathful, that he buffeted the bishop and almost struck him to the ground: and, therefore, Heaven allowed Marino Faliero to go out of his right senses, in order that he might bring himself to an evil death.

When this duke had held the dukedom during nine months and six days, he, being wicked and ambitious, sought to make himself lord of Venice, in the manner which I have read in an ancient chronicle. When the Thursday arrived upon which they were wont to hunt the bull, the bull hunt took place as usual; and, according to the usage of those times, after the bull hunt had ended, they all proceeded into the palace of the duke, and assembled together in one of his halls; and they disported themselves with the women. And until the first bell tolled they danced, and then a banquet was served up. My lord the duke paid the expenses thereof, provided he had a duchess, and after the banquet they all returned to their homes.

the gentleman and the admiral, and the gentleman struck him with his fist just above the eye; and as he happened to have a ring on his finger, the ring cut the admiral and drew blood. The admiral, all bruised and bloody, ran straight to the duke to complain, and with the intent of praying him to inflict some heavy punishment upon the gentleman of Cà Barbaro.-"What wouldst thou have me to do for thee?" answered the duke:-"think upon the shameful gibe which hath been written concerning me! and think on the manner in which they have punished that ribald Michele Steno, who wrote it; and see how the Council of Forty respect our person."-Upon this the admiral answered,-" My lord duke, if you would wish to make yourself a prince, and to cut ail these cuckoldy gentlemen to pieces, I have the heart, if you do but help me, to make you prince of all this state; and then you may punish them all."-Hearing this, the duke said,"How can such a matter be brought about?"-and so they discoursed thereon.

The duke called for his nephew, Ser Bertuccio Faliero, who lived with him in the palace, and they communed about this plot. And without leaving the place, they sent for Philip Calendaro, a seaman of great repute, and for Bertuccio Israello, who was exceedingly wily and cunning. Then taking counsel amongst themselves, they agreed to call in some others; and so, for several nights successively, they met with the duke at home in his palace. And the following men were called in singly, to wit:-Niccolo Fagiuolo, Giovanni da Corfu, Stefano Fagiono, Niccolo dalle Bende, Niccolo Biondo, and Stefano Trivisano.-It was concerted that sixteen or seventeen leaders should be stationed in various parts of the city, each being at the head of forty men, armed and prepared; but the followers were not to know their destination. On the appointed day they were to make affrays amongst themselves here and there, in order that the duke might have a pretence for tolling the bells of San Marco; these bells are never rung but by the order of the duke. And at the sound of the bells, these sixteen or seventeen, with their followers, were to come to San Marco, through the streets which open upon the Piazza. And when the noble and leading citizens should come into the Piazza, to know the cause of the riot, then the conspirators were to cut them in pieces; and this work being finished, my lord Marino Faliero, the duke, was to be proclaimed the lord of Venice. Things having been thus settled, they agreed to fulfill their intent on Wednesday, the 15th day of April, in the year 1355. So covertly did they plot, that no one ever dreamt of their machinations.

But the Lord, who hath always helped this most glorious city, and who, loving its righteousness and holiness, hath never forsaken it, inspired one Beltramo Bergamasco to be the cause of bringing the plot to light, in the following man

Now to this feast there came a certain Ser Michele Steno, a gentleman of poor estate, and very young, but crafty and daring, and who loved one of the damsels of the duchess. Ser Michele stood amongst the women upon the solajo; and he behaved indiscreetly, so that my lord the duke ordered that he should be kicked off the solajo; and the esquires of the duke flung him down from the solajo accordingly. Ser Michele thought that such an affront was beyond all bearing; and when the feast was over, and all other persons had left the palace, he, continuing heated with anger, went to the hall of audience, and wrote certain unseemly words relating to the duke and the duchess upon the chair in which the duke was used to sit; for in those days the duke did not cover his chair with cloth of sendal, but he sat in a chair of wood. Ser Michele wrote thereon-" Marin Falier, the husband of the fair wife; others kiss her, but he keeps her." In the morning the words were seen, and the matter was considered to be very scandalous; the Senate commanded the Avogadori of the Commonwealth to proceed therein with the greatest diligence. A largess of great amount was immediately prof-ner:-This Beltramo, who belonged to Ser Niccolo Lioni of fered by the Avogadori, in order to discover who had written these words. And at length it was known that Michele Steno had written them. It was resolved in the Council of Forty that he should be arrested; and he then confessed that in the fit of vexation and spite, occasioned by his being thrust off the solajo in the presence of his mistress, he had written the words. Therefore the Council debated thereon. And the Council took his youth into consideration, and that he was a lover: and therefore they adjudged that he should be kept in close confinement during two months, and that afterwards he should be banished from Venice and the state during one year. In consequence of this merciful sentence the duke became exceedingly wroth, it appearing to him that the Council had not acted in such a manner as was required by the respect due to his ducal dignity; and he said that they ought to have condemned Ser Michele to be hanged by the neck, or at least to be banished for life.

Now it was fated that my lord duke Marino was to have his head cut off. And as it is necessary when any effect is to

translated, and append it as a note to the next edition. You will, perhaps, be pleased to see that my conceptions of his character were correct; though I regret not having met with the extract before. You will perceive that he himself said exactly what he is made to say about the Bishop of Treviso. You will see also that he spoke

Santo Stefano, had heard a word or two of what was to take place; and so, in the before-mentioned month of April, he went to the house of the aforesaid Ser Niccolo Lioni, and told him all the particulars of the plot. Ser Niccolo, when he heard all these things, was struck dead, as it were, with affright. He heard all the particulars; and Beltramo prayed him to keep it all secret; and if he told Ser Niccolo, it was in order that Ser Niccolo might stop at home on the 15th of April, and thus save his life. Beltramo was going, but Ser Niccolo ordered his servants to lay hands upon him, and lock him up. Ser Niccolo then went to the house of Messer Giovanni Gradenigo Nasoni, who afterwards became duke, and who also lived at Santo Stefano, and told him all. The matter seemed to him to be of the very greatest importance, as indeed it was; and they two went to the house of Ser Marco Cornaro, who lived at San Felice; and having spoken with him, they all three then determined to go back to the house of Ser Niccolo Lioni, to examine the said Beltramo; and having questioned him, and heard all that he had to say, they

little, and those only words of rage and disdain, AFTER his arrest; which is the case in the play, except when he breaks out at the close of act fifth. But his speech to the conspirators is better in the MS. than in the play. I wish I had met with it in time."

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