ation of what never was and never will be. I flatter myself I am not teaching you any ideal philosophy, but what I have myself practised with success.

Thank you, my dear Roget, for giving me so constantly accounts of what passes at Geneva: my paper is too short for me to waste it in compliments; I shall therefore thank you by a like service, and tell you the news we have here.

In my last I think I mentioned a motion which Fox made in the House of Commons, censuring Lord Sandwich. He has since repeated it to the fullest House that has been known for several years, there being 453 Members present. The division was, for the motion 217, against it 236. Lord Sandwich is, nevertheless, still continued in his office. A motion has since been made by General Conway, whose name, I suppose, you are by this time well acquainted with, as he was principally concerned in the repeal of the Stamp Act. His motion was for an address to the King, praying that the impracticable plan of subduing America by force might be abandoned, and that proper means might be taken to effect a reconciliation with the American Colonies. I omit, as unnecessary, the arguments by which it was supported: it will naturally occur to you, that the principal topics of argument were, the distress of this country, the impossibility of succeeding in the conquest of America, the much worse situation we are in now than at the very commencement of the war, &c.

The Ministers opposed the motion with all their strength they said that to vote such an address would be to apprize the enemy how we

intended to act, and to teach them how to counteract our designs; it would be to encourage the Americans by showing our despondency, and instead of forwarding peace would set it at greater distance. The expression of the proposed address was, they said, much too loose and extensive; it was impossible to know how to comply with it. Was it intended to withdraw all the troops from America? The motion might be so understood; and yet nobody had pretended that this would be expedient.

The Ministers disclosed to the House, but in a very unsatisfactory manner, their design for carrying on the war. They said they meant to keep the posts; and when it was asked what they meant by a war of posts, the Secretary at War said they meant to keep the posts they had already, and to take more if they saw occasion. This explanation produced a roar of "Hear, hear!" from the Opposition. Fox said it was evident, from this and many similar expressions dropped inadvertently, that the plan of the war was changed only for the moment, and that the faintest glimmering of success would awaken all the vain projects of the Ministers; that they would indulge new dreams of conquest, that new armies would be marched through the country, and unconditional submission be again the only terms to be listened to. The new Secretary of State for the American department, Welbore Ellis, spoke in the debate, little to the purpose, though in a great many words. One objection he made to the object of the motion was, that it would be to abandon our friends in

America. The state of those friends, Colonel Barré declared, and, as he said, from very good information, to be this: those who were called our friends in the Northern Provinces hardly troubled themselves to know whether we were in existence, and those in the South remembered us only to pour execrations on our heads. The Ministers were asked why, if the war was to be merely defensive in America, had Sir Guy Carleton been appointed to the command in chief? They answered that, unless the troops were recalled, an officer must be sent to take the command, as, otherwise, the chief in command, when Sir Henry Clinton leaves America, would be a foreigner. But the argument which the Court party seemed to rely on most, and which, I presume, was meant to operate by way of threat (though, if the event had been foreseen, it would surely never have been used) was this: the Opposition, they said, to act in a fair and manly manner, ought not to have made such a motion as that before the House, but to have moved at once for a change of ministers; for that was the effect which the motion must indirectly have if it were carried, since no ministers could possibly remain in office, if the Parliament could not trust them with the executive power, but took upon itself to direct it. The House was exceedingly full when I left it, which was about one o'clock in the morning; but several Members went away before the division. The motion was lost by a majority of only a single vote; the numbers being 193 to 194. The House did not rise till three in the morning.

The Minority resolved to try their strength again upon the same question: accordingly, the day before yesterday, General Conway moved the following resolution: "That, after the long and fruitless continuance of the offensive war in America, for the purpose of subduing the revolted Colonies by force, it is evident that that object is impracticable,. inasmuch as it takes from our exertions some part of that strength which ought to be employed against our European enemies, and is contrary to his Majesty's inclination, expressed in his speech to both Houses, in which he declared it to be his royal wish to restore peace and tranquillity." I was not in the House, but the arguments used in the debate were much the same as had been employed before. The House did not divide till half past one o'clock, when the motion was carried against the Ministry by a majority of 19; 234 for the motion to 215 against it. This happy event occasioned, the next day, a rise of the stocks of one and a half per cent.

Dear Roget,

LETTER XVIII.

Gray's Inn, March 8. 1782.

An

In my last letter I mentioned General Conway's motion: as soon as it had passed the House, a motion was made for putting it into the form of an address, and carrying it up to the Crown. address was accordingly carried up, to which the King answered, "that the House might be assured that, in pursuance to their desire, he would take

such measures as should appear to him to be most conducive to the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the revolted Colonies." The day after the motion passed, there were rejoicings in several places; the bells were rung, and a great many houses were illuminated; and papers were cried about the streets, "Good news for England, Lord North in the dumps, and peace with America." The Ministers affected to take the alarm, and sent advice to the Lord Mayor, that they had notice of intended riots; but every thing was very peaceable, as, I believe, every body expected. The joy of this victory over the Ministers was much damped by their still continuing in office. Lord North, a few days after, when pressed with his own declaration, did not scruple to say he would stay in his place till the House voted that he should be removed; which may be fairly interpreted thus, that as his administration had lasted in calamity to his country, so it should end in utter disgrace to himself. Since the success of his last motion, General Conway moved the House to come to a resolution, "That whoever should be hereafter concerned in advising, or by any means attempting, the further prosecution of offensive war on the Continent of North America, for the purpose of reducing the revolted Colonies to obedience by force, were declared and should be considered as enemies to their King and country.". The Ministry said the motion was useless; that when the House voted the address, that implied a censure upon those who should dare to disobey it: but the Ministry, probably feeling their weakness,