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LAND.

Swiss doctrine

of the Sacraments is modified.

2

SWITZER Outward badges of Christianity, but 'organs" in the hands of God Himself, by which it often pleases Him to operate with saving efficacy on the spirit of the faithful recipients, or by which at least He certifies them that they really belong to Him. But Calvin's rigorous doctrine of predestination, and the absolute inamissibility of regeneby which the rating grace, compelled him always to restrict the possible benefit of the sacraments to one peculiar class of subjects; other Christians, or the non-elected, being, in his view. partakers of no more than the material element. His doctrine of the Eucharist is particularly observable, because it rises far above the low and frigid theories of his predecessor, Zwingli. While contending no less strenuously that Christ, as to His natural Presence, is in heavens, he taught that there is, notwithstanding, in the Eucharist, a mystical Presence of the Lord, His glorified humanity, though locally absent, being virtually, and in effect, communicated for the sustenance of the faithful, simultaneously with the participation of the outward elements".

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1 In § VII. they are called 'nota ac tessera Christianæ professionis et societatis,' but in § XIII. it is added, 'Organa quidem sunt, quibus efficaciter, ubi visum est, agit Deus; sed ita, ut totum salutis nostræ opus Ipsi uni acceptum ferri debeat.' In $XVII. the Consensus' repudiates

illud Sophistarum commentum, quod docet, Sacramenta novæ Legis conferre gratiam omnibus non ponentibus obicem peccati mortalis:' thus alluding to a phrase which afterwards entered largely into discussions on this subject. Calvin's own favourite mode of representing the sacrament of baptism in particular was to view it as obsignatory of blessings which already appertained to the recipient as a child of grace: e. g. Semper tenendum hoc principium est, non conferri baptismum infantibus, ut filii Dei fiant et hæredes; sed quia jam eo loco et gradu censentur apud Deum, adoptionis gratiam baptismo

obsignari in eorum carne.' See other passages in Schenkel, Das Wesen de Protestantismus, 1. 466, 467, Schaffhausen, 1846.

2 Utilitas porro, quam ex Sacra mentis percipimus, ad tempus, qu' ea nobis administrantur, minime restringi debet' etc. § xx.

3 Nam reprobis peræque ut elec tis signa administrantur; veritis autem signorum ad hos solos pervenit:' § XVII. The same idea stated in § XVI: Nam quemadra dum non alios in fidem illumina quam quos præordinavit ad vitam ita arcana Spiritus sui virtute efficit. ut percipiant electi quæ offerunt Sa cramenta.'

4 On the transition from the Zwinglian to the Calvinistic doe trine, compare the Formula Com cordia (of the Lutherans): Part II cap. VII. §4.

5 Sxxv.

6 This view is not so positive,

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LAND.

Calvin's death.

The physical and intellectual activity of Calvin only SWITZERterminated with his death (May 27, 1564). The mantle of his office, and to some extent his autocratic spirit, then descended upon Theodore de Bèze, or Beza, under whom7 Geneva for a while continued to preserve its high celebrity Geneva after as one stronghold of the Reformation. Thither fled a multitude of refugees from Italy and other countries, where the champion of the new opinions could no longer hold his ground. Its influence also was peculiarly felt in France, with whom it was united in close relationship, not only by the ties of language and geographical position, but still more in virtue of the Gallican sympathies which it derived from Farel, Calvin, Beza, Viret, and their coadjutors.

It appears, however, that if we except a small accession to their numbers which the Swiss reformers gained from Savoy 10, Calvin's death may be regarded as the culminating point of the religious system he had founded. The great Commence counter-movement, of which traces were discerned in other tion: countries 11, penetrated almost every canton of the Helvetic confederacy. Its leader in this region was Carlo Borromeo 12,

stated in the Consensus' as in Calvin's Institutio, lib. IV. c. 17, passim. It reappeared in all the later Calvinistic confessions, e. g. the 'Helvetica posterior,' the French (see especially Art. XXXVI: Niemeyer, p. 325), the Belgic and the Scotch, and was also very emphatically advanced in the Consensus Sendomiriensis (above, p. 93, n. 8).

7 The best modern life of him is Schlosser's Leben des Theod. de Beza. After a youth spent in dissipation he visited Geneva and came under the mighty influences of Calvin, by whose exertions he was made professor of Greek at Lausanne (Nov. 6, 1549).

He afterwards (see below, pp. 138, 139) took an active part in the struggles of the French Protestants, returning to Geneva not long before Calvin's death. He kept up a correspondence with the Puritans in

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LAND.

under Bor

romeo

(d. 1584),

SWITZER archbishop of Milan (1569-1584), who combined, as it would seem, a spirit of profound devotion with abhorrence of the Calvinist, and of all other adversaries of the Roman pontiff. Under his patronage2, the Order of the Jesuits was established in Lucerne and Freyburg, bands of Capu chines began to wander in the districts where the reformation was but half-established; and a college3, organized at Milan for the purpose, constantly supplied them with a higher class of priests than could be trained in Switzerland itself. The spirited reaction thus commenced was afterwards promoted by the formation of the Golden League of 1586, in which the Romish cantons bound themselves to stand by each other in defending their po sition against the Calvinistic party: while at the commencement of the following century, the Genevese and their immediate neighbours had to tremble for their lives and liberties no less than their religion, owing to the and François inroads of the duke of Savoy and the titular bishop of Geneva, the ascetic François de Sales".

de Sales

(d. 1622).

FRANCE.

THE patriarch of the reformers in this country was Jacques Lefèvre, also born in Picardy, at Estaples When Luther was arraigned before the Diet of Worms Lefèvre was already verging on the age of seventy. Hì

Borromeus, Augsb. 1823. His writ-
ings from which extracts are there
given were chiefly ascetical. His
great anxiety in carrying out the
'reformations' ordered by the Coun-
cil of Trent was shewn in the series
of provincial synods which he held at
Milan (1565-1582): Labbe, xv. 2428q.

1 The Case of a Minorite Friar
[addicted to Protestantism] who was
sentenced by S. Charles Borromeo
to be walled up, and who having
escaped was burnt in effigy,' has
lately been edited by the Rev. R.

Gibbings (Dublin, 1853) from 'Re
cords of the Roman Inquisition.'
2 Cf. Hottinger, as above, F
907 sq.

3 The difficulties he found in res izing this project (1579) are describe by the continuator of Fleury, He Eccles. liv. LXXV. ss. 33 sq.

4 Hottinger, III. 931 sq. 5 See De Marsollier, Vie de § François de Sales, Paris, 1747

6 De Félice, Hist. of the Protes ants of France, I. 2 sq. Lond. 1853Ranke, Civil Wars, &c. 1. 189 sq.

had travelled far and wide, especially in Italy, where he experienced the fresh impulses that followed the revival of ancient literature. As early as 1512 he was persuaded by his study of St Paul's Epistles that received opinions touching human merit were at variance with the genuine form of Christianity; and his friend Briçonnet7, bishop of Meaux, arriving at the same conclusion, ventured for a while to undertake the reformation of that diocese. But although the monarch, Francis I., was not originally adverses either to the Lutheran movement or the kindred agitation that sprang up in his own dominions, the ancient dogmas, in so far as they are separable from the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiffs, found a number of unflinching advocates in the college of the Sorbonne, which constituted the theological faculty of Paris. Luther's Prelude on the Babylonish Captivity when submitted 10 to these doctors in 1521 had been proscribed as blasphemous and heretical; and two years later the proceedings of Briçonnet having been exposed before the same tribunal, vigorous measures 11 were instituted in the hope of strangling the new

'Besides enlisting Lefèvre ('Jacobus Faber Stapulensis') in this work, he made use of the services of William Farel (above, p. 123), Gérard Ruffi or le Roux (see Schmidt's Gérard Roussel), and for a short time of Calvin himself (Dyer, p. 20). At length, however, when the storm increased, Briçonnet 'took shelter in his mystic obscurity:' Ranke, as before, p. 194.

Ranke, Ibid. pp. 195, 196. He declared in negociating with the Lutherans (above, p. 61, n. 5) that he had only put to death a few fanatics, who were bent on exciting a sedition in his capital: Smedley, Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France, 1. 33, 34, Lond. 1832. Melancthon, whom Francis invited (1535) to assist in the direction of ecclesiastical affairs, had already (in 1534) corresponded with Guillaume

du Bellay, and drawn up a Consilium
de moderandis controversiis religionis

ad Gallos: Opp. ed. Bretsch. III.
741 sq. The elector of Saxony,
however, refused his consent (Aug.
24, 1535): Ibid. 11. 909, 910.

9 While repudiating the ultrapapal claims (cf. Middle Age, p. 362, and n. 2), the doctors of the Sorbonne had no sympathy with any teaching that opposed the notions of the schoolmen, especially of Aqui

nas.

10 On his probable motives in allowing his dispute with Eck to be referred to them, see above, p. 22, n. 3. Melancthon (as we have seen, p. 31) defended him against their Determinatio.

11 On the earlier executions, see De Félice, 1. 10 sq. The noblest victim of the Sorbonne was Louis de Berquin, who was a friend of

FRANCE.

FRANCE.

brood of 'vipers' at their birth. Yet even at this period the reformers had secured an able protectress in the literary and eccentric Margaret d'Angoulême1, sister of the reigning monarch and grandmother of Henry IV. When she was married in 1527 to Henry d'Albret, king of Navarre, the petty district of Béarn became a refuge of the persecuted, many scholars of distinction being thus from time to time attracted to her court. Partly through the influence she exerted, and still more from a desire to counterwork the policy of his great rival Charles V., her brother had grown anxious to cement political connexions with the Protestants of Germany; but in 1534, the tempest that drove Calvin3, and some others like him into Switzerland, was almost fatal to the progress of the new opinions. The barbarous persecution that cut off so many of their leading representatives extended also to the peaceful Vaudois of Provence, whose massacre in 1545 is one of the most sickening passages among the blood-stained annals of that region. Stil in spite of manifold reverses, some perhaps attributable to

Erasmus, and translated some of
the minor works of Luther and
Melancthon into French. He was
burnt Nov. 10, 1529.

1 Also known as Margaret de
Valois, and therefore not unfre-
quently confounded with the Mar-
garet de Valois, the first queen of
Henry IV. The Lettres de Mar-
guerite d'Angoulême have been re-
cently collected by M. Génin (Paris,
1841), but neither they nor the
editor's Notice have enabled us to
understand her character. Her
poem entitled Le Miroir de l'Ame
pécheresse, which excited the indig-
nation of the Sorbonne (Génin, p.
III), was very acceptable to the
Protestants; while another work,
the Heptameron, a collection of licen-
tious tales (professedly in imitation
of Boccaccio's Decamerone), repre-
sents her in a far more equivocal
light: cf. Génin, pp. 93 sq.; De
Félice, I. 22 sq. On her death-bed,

in the convent at Angoumois, sh signified her cordial adherence to the religion of her forefathers.

2 Above, p. 133, n. 8.

3 Above, p. 125, and n. 6.

4 They had fallen under suspicion by joining in the deputation sent to Basle in 1530 (see above p. 122. n. 3). On the 28th of April, 1545, the towns of Merindol and Cabrières. with twenty-eight villages, were literally destroyed; the number of the slain being estimated at 4000 souls. Although Francis may not have directly authorized these atrocities, they went unpunished: De Félice, I. 44 sq.; Dyer, Life of Calvin, pp. 193-197.

5 This was fully admitted by John Sturmius, writing from Paris (March 4, 1535) to Melancthon (ed. Bretsch. II. 855); and Ranke (1. 198) conjectures that the Anabaptist fanatics were mixed up with some of the commotions that arose in Paris.

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